Mar 02, 2025 Trump's treatment of Zelensky
mirrors the Genet affair And the establishment of a non-interventionist
foreign policy that would last a century Tom Mullen
President Trump confirmed a major foreign policy shift in dramatic
fashion on Friday when he
asked Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to leave the White House
after a heated public argument that included both presidents and U.S.
Vice President Vance. Zelensky was in Washington to sign a mineral deal
with the U.S that was aborted, at least for the moment, after both Trump
and Vance took exception to Zelensky’s criticism of the Trump
administration’s position regarding negotiations with Russia.
The incident was cheered by Trump’s supporters and condemned by all the
usual suspects among his detractors, expressing outrage and embarrassment
that a foreign head of state would be treated this way. But the real
question it raises is whether it will mark the beginning of Washington’s
return to the foreign policy bequeathed by the man whose name it
bears.
No American alive today has known firsthand any other foreign policy than
the one the U.S. government maintained throughout the 20th century, which
is active involvement, both military and by other means, in the affairs
of foreign nations, especially in Europe. Washington’s worldwide standing
army of over 200,000 troops deployed overseas has become a norm taken for
granted, as has the so-called “special relationship” with the United
Kingdom and the “alliance” with Israel (the U.S. has no formal treaty
with that country).
But it wasn’t always this way. Most Americans would be surprised to learn
that their country became rich and powerful enough to be capable of
affecting global geopolitics with precisely the opposite foreign policy.
More surprising still might be that 19th century U.S. foreign policy was
launched with an incident eerily similar to Friday’s.
In 1793, the French government executed its former monarch, Louis XVI and
declared war on Great Britian. Americans were deeply divided over how to
respond, as was Washington’s own cabinet. In general, the Federalists
favored neutrality in what could become yet another war involving many
European powers. Jefferson’s Republicans, although not yet a formal
party, insisted the U.S. must honor its 1778 mutual aid treaty with
France, which had been crucial to the United States winning their
independence.
After much internal debate, Washington issued a proclamation of
neutrality on April 22, although its text did not contain the words
“neutrality” or “neutral,” instead stating that the “interest of the
United States require that they should with sincerity and good faith
adopt and pursue a conduct friendly and impartial toward the belligerent
powers” and concordantly, “citizens of the United States carefully to
avoid all acts and proceedings whatsoever which may in any manner tend to
contravene such disposition.”
The proclamation further declared that citizens who acted against the
direction of the proclamation would not receive protection from the U.S.
government if prosecuted in foreign courts for violating the “law of
nations” and may face prosecution for the same in U.S. courts. Washington
was treading upon murky constitutional ground. Did his proclamation
amount to legislation, delegated exclusively to Congress? This question
would presently loom large in the next chapter of the drama.
On April 8, a few weeks prior to Washington’s proclamation,
Edmond-Charles Genêt, appointed minister to the United States by the
revolutionary French government, landed on U.S. soil. However, instead of
landing in Philadelphia and proceeding directly to the Secretary of
State’s office, Genet landed in Charleston, S.C. and began a six-week
journey to the capital. As Hamilton biographer Ron Chernow
writes, “Acting more like a
political candidate than a foreign diplomat, he was cheered at banquets,
and his six-week tour acquired major political overtones.”
Genet was feted and toasted by Republicans at every stop on his tour,
leading him to believe the American public was virtually unanimous in its
support for American involvement in the war on France’s behalf. Even more
troublesome for the administration, Genet carried with him letters of
marque from his government to hire U.S. ships to act as privateers
against British ships on behalf of the French government.
Jefferson himself, though still supportive of the French Revolution and
privately gleeful over the capture of the British ship Grange by a French
frigate in a Delaware port, officially supported neutrality and directed
Genet to cease outfitting U.S. ships for hostile action against the
British. Genet had previously cited the constitutionality of Washington’s
proclamation to Hamilton, arguing it usurped a prerogative of
Congress.
On July 6, with Washington away from the capitol at Mount Vernon, Genet
allegedly informed Alexander J. Dallas, the secretary of Pennsylvania,
that not only did Genet reject American neutrality but that he would
“appeal from the President to the people,” meaning he considered the
people themselves a higher power than the president who could overrule
Washington’s proclamation.
Washington took the statement as an insult to himself and the U.S.
government and responded by formally requesting the French government
recall Genet, which it did in January 1794. Ironically, however, as an
even more violent faction had by that time come to power in France and
issued an arrest warrant for Genet, Washington eventually granted Genet
asylum to save him from the guillotine. Genet married Cornelia Tappen
Clinton, daughter of the New York governor, and settled into the life of
a gentleman farmer.
Washington signed the Jay Treaty later in 1794 and rendered moot the
constitutional question of his neutrality proclamation. But it was by no
means the end of difficulties maintaining American neutrality. The
Quasi-War with France broke out when privateers began seizing American
ships trading with Great Britain, and the controversial Embargo Act was
later passed during the Jefferson administration under similar
pressures.
Despite these challenges, the young republic managed to avoid involvement
in Europe’s wars throughout its first three administrations, and
Washington’s foreign policy, articulated in his
farewell address, “to steer clear of permanent Alliances, with any
portion of the foreign world” became established bipartisan consensus for
the next century. Jefferson echoed Washington in his own first inaugural
address, calling for, “peace, commerce, and honest friendship with
all nations, entangling alliances with none.”
As contentious as domestic politics would be throughout the 19th century,
with the Federalists morphing into the Whig Party and eventually the
modern Republican Party while Jefferson’s Republicans eventually (mostly)
became the modern Democratic Party, this bipartisan consensus endured,
regardless of which two parties dominated.
A survey of presidential inaugural
addresses throughout the period
reveals one president after another, regardless of their positions on
other matters, basically saying the noninterventionist foreign policy
bequeathed by Washington “ain’t broke, so let’s not fix it.”
The United States became the richest and most powerful country in the
world under what would today be termed an “isolationist” foreign policy.
And it all began with an affair whose similarity to today’s situation
with Ukraine cannot be overstated.
No, Genet was not an official head of state, although he survived the
government that sent him during his official visit to the U.S. But he was
a foreign minister seeking U.S. military support with overwhelming
support from half the American public and suspicion at best from the
other half. As in the United States today, supporters of the foreign
cause saw it as a fight for liberty while detractors argued the foreign
country in question was not worthy of defense.
Like Zelensky, after allegedly insulting the presidential administration,
Genet was asked to leave the country (although later given
asylum).
Most importantly, Genet’s actions on American soil greatly contributed to
a previously uncommitted administration firmly deciding upon American
neutrality. One cannot help but wonder if Zelensky’s recent visit will
provide the Trump administration with similar cause to drop all pretense
of supporting Ukraine in its war with Russia, regardless of mineral or
other considerations, and adopt a more unambiguously neutral
position.
And will the administration take from this incident that all
entangling alliances are inherently against the interests of the American
people?