11.1.2025 Mamdani's Socialist Mayorship Will
Make New York a Worse Place To Live and Do Business His plans to offer "free" buses and
daycare, freeze rents, and create city-owned grocery stores are expensive
and proven failures. Nick Gillespie
As I write this, I have yet to cast my vote for the mayor of New York
City, where I live (a question I can answer more easily and
definitively than the current mayor). In most elections, there are
only two bad choices. But because New York has more of everything, from
people to rats to unlicensed weed dispensaries, this time there are at
least
three terrible choices: The Democratic nominee Zohran Mamdani, the
Republican
Curtis Sliwa, and former Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who is running on the
"
Fight and Deliver Party" line.
Bad candidates are like unhappy families, each awful and terrible in
their own way. But by
all indications, only Mamdani matters because he is going to cruise
to victory next Tuesday. When that happens, Andrew Cuomo, already
hounded out of Albany due to terrible COVID policies and disturbing
harassment of basically everyone he ever worked with, will disappear for
good. Maybe he'll live in South Florida like the next-in-line son of a
deposed Shah or, in a more just world, in a tiny, market-rate studio
apartment in Crown Heights with another disgraced politician,
Anthony Weiner. The beret-wearing fabulist
Curtis Sliwa will continue to haunt New York's airwaves and local TV
shows, talking about his cats and whatever else rambles like tumbleweeds
through his mind.
Mamdani's win will absolutely not be good for the city, but it will also
not usher in the utter, instantaneous apocalypse that some fear. Yes, he
will try to make buses and child care free, create city-owned grocery
stores, jack up taxes on the ultra-rich (charitably defined as anyone
making more than the
"
many young professionals at tech start-ups, law firms and investment
companies" that seem to love him the most), and "freeze the
rent" on perhaps as many as 1 million rental apartments (around
half the total rental market). Maybe he will even issue an
arrest warrant against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
because, well, that sort of dramatic, dubiously legal action is a huge
part of being the mayor of New York (and of being a member of the
Democratic Socialists of America).
If you live outside New York, your biggest worry should be what effect a
landslide win might have on the Democratic Party nationally. If Mamdani
crushes Cuomo and Sliwa as seems likely, expect a big push from allies
like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D–N.Y.) to revive the worst excesses
of the populist identity politics that helped cost Democrats the White
House in 2024 and caused much of the discord, overspending, and stupidity
of the past decade. (If the centrist Democrats running for
governor in New Jersey and Virginia win
as currently expected, expect a ton of articles about the fight for
the soul of the Democratic Party.)
As Reason's Zach Weissmueller recently
explained,
Mamdani's appeal goes beyond playing Santa Claus to large blocs of
voters. He personifies the symbolic grievances of college-educated and
relatively well-off Millennial and Gen Z voters who don't really
understand how capitalism works and what creative destruction entails.
They take wealth production for granted, focusing instead on what they
perceive as its morally just distribution, while overlooking the
challenge of maintaining, much less expanding, economic and social
opportunities for all.
For New York City, what Mamdani's mayoralty will absolutely do is hurry
along the slowly decaying orbit of the country's largest city that
commenced with the election of
groundhog manhandler Bill de Blasio to two terms in Gracie Mansion
and continued with the mediocre-at-best performance of
Turkish Airlines enthusiast and
cheese-detractor Eric Adams. We're already a dozen-plus years into
having the city run by bums or buffoons and, if you read histories like
Richard E. Farley's
Drop Dead, you know this is how things go in New York City.
There are long cycles of mediocre-to-terrible mayors (think of the years
of Robert Wagner*, John Lindsay, and Abe Beame, a period lasting
from 1954 to 1977) that are interrupted by periods of better-than-average
governance (think Ed Koch, Rudy Giuliani, and Mike Bloomberg, a span
lasting from 1978 to 2013, exclusive of David Dinkins' single term in the
early '90s).
New York has famously been called
"
the ungovernable city," and in most ways, it is. Everything here
is out of control; it is simultaneously the most regulated and freest
autonomous zone imaginable. Yes, what happens here is deeply affected by
politics and politicians, but those are just small streams that add to
the powerful torrent of everyday life. After World War II, for a variety
of reasons, New York flatlined in population in the 1950s and 1960s and
then
lost over 10 percent of its residents in the 1970s. Its population
rebounded in the late '80s, and the city has seen decades of sustained
growth and vitality, even through events like 9/11, the financial crisis
(felt deeply in the country's finance center), and COVID (which posed
particular issues for America's most densely populated big
city).
The city's resurrection in the '80s was in no way a foregone conclusion
and was a combination of many factors. The most important parts included
the invention of the contemporary financial industry that revved up so
much so that by 1987 it provided the setting for Tom Wolfe's
era-defining novel, Bonfire of the Vanities, and its cast of
"masters of the universe," social justice warriors, and
journalistic grifters. An influx of immigrants (both from abroad and
various parts of America) flooded into a city with relatively abundant
housing, reviving neighborhoods and areas written off long ago. But
governance mattered greatly, too. The mayoralty of Ed Koch, a
"liberal with sanity" who fought against rent control, crime,
and excessive spending while personifying the city's tolerance of all
sorts of lifestyles, was an essential part of the renaissance, as we
discussed in this 2011
interview.
But the fortunes of a city rarely rely solely or even mostly on its
political class. In the '50s, '60s, and '70s, New York was hardly the
only city in the Northeast and Midwest that was seeing major population
declines as the U.S. economy became more post-industrial and the South
and West opened for business in big ways. Yet New York's elected
officials exacerbated exodus and decline by promising more and more
services to people and papering over growing budget shortfalls with all
sorts of gimmicks and tricks that ultimately came undone in the
mid-1970s.
Farley's account in Drop Dead is detailed and appallingand it
comes with a warning for today: After cleaning up its fiscal act and
getting its budget more or less in order, the city is reverting to its
old tricks and running up annual shortfalls of
$10 billion or more for the foreseeable future. The terms of the
city's bailout by the feds (contrary to the memorable
Daily
News
headline, Gerald Ford, desperate for Empire State electoral votes,
never told the city to "drop dead") and the state legislature
of New York mean that Mayor Mamdani will be tightly constrained in what
he can do. Many of his proposals (such as freezing the rent) are either
legally dubious or will have to go through Albany (such as almost
anything related to the public transit system).
This is good news, because his agenda, in virtually every particular,
will make New York a tougher place to live and run a business (and thus
work as a regular employee), or even go to schoolhe wants to get rid of
gifted-and-talented programs and entrance-exam schools which motivate
striver parents with limited financial resources to leave an expensive
and generally
awful system.
His housing proposals are also sure to backfire. As Reason's
Justin Zuckerman recently
documented, the city is already experiencing a severe housing
droughtpartly as a direct result of 2019 changes to state laws eagerly
signed by then-Gov. Cuomo. Far from making housing more affordable or
available, freezing rents at current levels will incentivize renters to
stay put (rental turnover here is already
41 percent lower than the
national average) and do nothing to spur large-scale construction of new
units (who will build in a place where they have little or no say over
what they can charge?). The hunt for good apartments in New York will go
from bad to worse.
"When I read [Mamdani's] proposals," writes
Andrew Sullivan at Substack, "at first I thought I was reading a
high-schooler's essay. Free everything!" He's onto
somethingmost of Mamdani's ideas have already been tried extensively and
failed in the immediate past. Consider his promise to hike the minimum
wage from
$16.50 an hour to $30 an hour in a few years. As Jim Epstein showed a
decade ago for Reason, a minimum wage hike to $15 had predictable
and bad effects on the city's car wash industry. Whatever the intentions,
such moves "push[ed] car washes to automate and to close down."
As bad, the mandated wage increase also fostered "a growing black
marketworkers increasingly have no choice but to ply their trade out of
illegal vans parked on the street, because the minimum wage has made it
illegal for anyone to hire them at the market rate."
None of this is rocket science or terra incognita. One of Mamdani's
signature proposals is the creation of city-run grocery stores, an idea
that is especially nonsensical in a place like New York, which
already is "the No. 1 U.S. metro area in terms of residents'
'equitable access' to a local supermarket." He or his advisers might
look to the recent experience of Erie, Kansas, where things are
not going well for government-run supermarkets. Or he might follow
the lead of Kennedy, who
asked some Bronx residents about the plan and learned that they would
rather the city work on homelessness, "dealing with 'rats the size
of cats,' and cleaning 'all of the needles on the street.'"
Depending on how much of his agenda he can
muscle through, the City that Never Sleeps may be in for a longer or
shorter nap when it comes to the growth and vitality of recent decades.
Eventually, New York always wakes up and renews itself economically,
culturally, and politically. It's depressing that no one on the political
horizon seems likely to conjure the magic that Koch, Giuliani, or
Bloombergall of whom had terrible flawsbrought, but that's almost
always the case. The most depressing thing is that all of Mamdani's
mistakes are completely avoidable because they've happened time and time
before. But unlike its old colonial rivals, Boston and Philadelphia, New
York has never had much time or use for history.
*CORRECTION: The original version of this story misidentified former
New York Mayor Robert Wagner as Richard.