The 2014 Indian general elections has been regarded as the most important elections in Indian history since 1977. It saw the decimation of the ruling Congress party, a spectacular victory for the BJP and a new style of campaigning that broke every rule in the political game. But how and why? In his riveting book, Rajdeep Sardesai tracks the story of this pivotal election through all the key players and the big news stories. Beginning with 2012, when Narendra Modi won the state elections in Gujarat for a third time but set his sights on a bigger prize, to the scandals that crippled Manmohan Singh and UPA-II, and moving to the back-room strategies of Team Modi, the extraordinary missteps of Rahul Gandhi and the political dramas of election year, he draws a panoramic picture of the year that changed India.
Rajdeep Sardesai is one of the country's most recognized and respected journalists. In a career that started in 1988, he has been anchor, editor and columnist across TV and print. He was city editor of the Times of India in Mumbai at twenty-six, became the managing editor of NDTV and later set up the IBN 18 network, including CNN IBN, IBN 7 and IBN Lokmat. He is currently consulting editor to the India Today Group. A former president of the Editors Guild, Sardesai has won several national and international awards, including the Padma Shri, in 2008. He lives in Delhi with wife Sagarika, children Ishan and Tarini, and their beagle, Nemo. This is his first book.
Presidential and parliamentary elections on 14 May 2023: the return of democracy in Turkey?
Edited by Bayram Balci and Nicolas Monceau
2023 is a crucial year in Turkey for two reasons. It marks one hundred years since the Republic of Turkey was founded by Mustafa Kemal, known as Atatrk, in 1923, and this anniversary is an opportunity for the country to take stock of its political, economic, social, cultural, and indeed international situation. 2023 is also a key electoral year, with both presidential and parliamentary elections being held on 14 May.
Ukraine: Putin's War
Edited by Anne de Tinguy
The "special military operation" launched in Ukraine on 24 February by Vladimir Putin is in fact a high-intensity war that marks a tipping point. One month after the beginning of the offensive, the result expected by the Kremlin does not seem to have been achieved. The human and material toll is extremely high. Why has Russia engaged so violently in an operation that seems likely to produce only casualties? Is this war the symptom of a neo-imperialism that continues to permeate Moscow's view of Ukraine thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet empire? Is it the result of a conflict between two development models, the authoritarian and conservative one carried by Russia and the democratic and liberal one carried by the West?
The conference on The Other 1968 we are presenting here is not to be considered among the ongoing commemorative events. Rather, it is an invitation to reflect upon a turning point in the European History. It is a way to widen up, to decentre the many commemorations of the Parisian month of May where self-celebration of a generation on the brink of leaving mix with and a will to imitate, stimulated by a media in search of an opposition to government in power.
Just like with nationalism, there is right wing and left wing populism. The phenomenon has, however, two distinct characteristics: its anti-elite and anti-pluralism dimensions, i.e. it's refusal of a democratic state in the name of the "real people"-defined through an ethno-cultural prism for right wing populists and through a social prism for left wing populists. There has been one significant evolution these last fifteen years: some countries are governed by real populist regimes who thrive for the return of a strong state (Hungary, Poland, Russia, Turkey, the Philippines, Venezuela). In other countries, yet the regime is not populist, its leaders have populist ambitions (Donald Trump, Narendra Modi) or its government allies with populist groups (Austria, Denmark). There is an implicit international alliance of populist parties and groups throughout the world, who oppose the liberal and cosmopolitan order, share ideas (a complex-free reaffirmation of sovereignty, defence of a strong national identity...) and push for a disruptive foreign policy..
The issue of race in the United States is just as topical as ever, as reflected both in the emergence of the 'Black Lives Matter' movement - in response to instances of police brutality too frequent and too serious to be dismissed as isolated incidents - and to the surprising victory in November 2016 of a presidential candidate who had made disparaging statements about Hispanics. Those recent events have triggered a great many comments. Yet they are only the most striking evidence of the persistence of race as a multidimensional problem, a problem addressed by the complementary contributions brought together in the following symposium.
Consensus has been reached on the medium term exhaustion of fossil fuel resources. The gains in renewable energy are yet insufficient to compensate for the inevitable reduction of fossil supplies. In addition, energy demand is growing exponentially as a result of increasing dynamics of urbanization, motorization and industrialization, making consumer states everywhere largely dependent on producing countries. Security of supply has become a leading policy issue, both national and supranational. The objective of this Dossier is to examine one aspect of this major issue: the internal and external policies developed by the European Union (EU) and some Asian countries....
This publication results from an academic conference held at CERI on November 22, 2013 under the scientific supervision of Nazand Begikhani, Hamit Bozarslan, Olivier Grojean, Akil Marceau and Luis Martinez. Focused on the latest evolutions of the Kurdish issue, the conference gathered some twenty scholars working on the four Kurdish-inhabited areas, in order to assess the consequences of the emergence of the de facto Kurdish State in Iraq upon the Middle East and amongst the Kurdish diaspora.
Early July 2013, Mali is facing a number of challenges. The first and most sustantial one is that it needs to reconcile with itself through an electoral process that shouldtake place all over country on July 28 th. The second challenge is that Bamako will have to co-exist with a huge international operation whitch magnitude illustrates more the international concerns towards the political dynamics in the Sahara-Sahel region than a proper assessment of Mali's needs at this point in time.
It would be counterproductive to analyse the 2013 presidential election by comparing them to the 2009 election, especially since these latter was misinterpreted, as were the two mandates of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (2005-2013).
It is clear that the 2009 polls' results were "electoral ingineering" as they say in Iran, less because of ballot stuffing than because of computer "corrections" of the 2005 figures in favour of the past president.
Kizuna: "the link." The relation between people. It is the ideogram Japanese have chosen to characterize 2011, something they do every year. Not "earthquake," or "tsunami," or "radiations," but a word that conjures up the warmth of being together in adversity. Luxury brands have never sold so many engagement and wedding rings in the archipelago. But what is behind this choice? Is it hope or nostalgia? Did Japanese choose kizuna to rejoice witnessing such strong solidarity, or to regret it was not strong enough?
After twelve years in power as President of the Russian Federation and then as Prime Minister, Vladimir Putin is setting his sights on returning to the presidency. His election on 4 March is not in much doubt. The only remaining uncertainty is whether he will be victorious in the first round or the runoff. If elected, his term will run for six years (and not four). As Russian presidents can have two successive terms, he could end up holding power uninterruptedly from 2000 to 2018, or even 2024. However, the absence of a change of government is not necessarily synonymous with the status quo...
Former USSR Republics of Central Asia - Kazakhstan, Kirghizstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan - were, at the time of their independence, very comparable political entities. They were governed by the same political, bureaucratic, and administrative elites, all educated at the highest level of Soviet central power in Moscow. They had inherited the same socioeconomic system, which confronted them to similar difficulties, namely exiting the interdependent collectivist system and adapting to the market economy. They all lived in a closed world centred on Moscow and Russian-Soviet culture.
The concatenation of uprisings striking the Arab world since December 2010 did not spare the states of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, the United Arab Emirats, and Oman. Displaying a clear will to emulate the European Union, this political and economic group, whose members are among the biggest oil and gas producers in the world, counts some of the wealthiest countries in the world : Qatar is on top of the list of the countries with the highest income per capita established by the IMF and the World Bank for 2010.
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