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"Six centuries ago this year, in the 11th lunar month of the 18th year of his reign, the Yongle emperor of the Ming dynasty announced the completion of his brand new capital, Beijing.
The city had been built on the site of the Mongols’ Dadu, from which those northern invaders had ruled the Chinese for nearly 100 years, and out of which Yongle’s father, the Hongwu emperor, had driven them only a few decades earlier.
By 1420, Yongle had pulled down not only the Mongol-built palace, but the rest of the alien capital, with the discarded rubble piled high outside his brand new palace’s north gate. Longevity Hill protected the new construction’s principal occupant from baleful northern influences while at the same time publicly demonstrating Confucian filial piety: the man-made hill emulated the naturally occurring high ground protecting his late father’s palace in Nanjing, and was given the same name.
But early in 1421, the new palace’s ceremonial centrepiece, the immense Hall of Revering Heaven, was struck by lightning and set ablaze, as were two companion halls.
To lose one brand new building might be regarded as misfortune; three, however, augured supernatural disapproval: a smouldering reminder of how Yongle’s emperorship had begun 19 years earlier in the most un-Confucian of ways, when his troops entered Nanjing and sent its imperial palace up in flames, with the Jianwen emperor, Yongle’s 24-year-old nephew, still inside.
Yongle removed all mention of his roasted relative from historical record and used all available means to establish his own righteousness. These often involved construction.
Like many a great dictator, he built on a scale designed to awe his subjects, to establish his legitimacy through sheer presence, and to persuade posterity of his right to rule. He built temples to ingratiate himself with heaven and to establish relationships with senior religious figures on Earth. He built with an innovative simplicity that sent Chinese architecture in a new direction, and which enabled him to put up halls rapidly and economically, but with an emphasis on using materials of the highest quality.
Six hundred years on, this often overlooked architectural legacy is being reassessed. Yongle built to communicate, and while there are fewer of his buildings remaining than is often claimed, there’s rather more to see in them than is commonly noted.
Yongle’s Beijing served as a metaphor for the emperor, says Aurelia Campbell, a professor of Asian art history at Boston College and author of What the Emperor Built (2020). The buildings of his new capital “had a sense of order and uniformity that communicated the message of a strong centralised power controlled by a capable moral ruler”, she writes.
Yongle is commonly connected with Beijing’s Forbidden City, where visitors are drawn straight to the vast spectacle of what is now called the Hall of Supreme Harmony – Yongle’s Hall of Revering Heaven. Its dizzyingly complicated bracket sets support the vast yellow sweep of a main roof and secondary eaves. Gaudy red-and-gold screens and pillars compete to dazzle while beams in green and blue feature hundreds of golden, writhing dragons.
It all fizzes and buzzes its way aloft, sitting with its two smaller but equally hubris-laden companions on a triple-layered carved marble terrace that lifts all three halls still closer to heaven.
Magnificent as it is, the Hall of Supreme Harmony visible today is not Yongle’s creation, and general claims that today’s Forbidden City is the world’s largest and best-preserved example of medieval architecture are not to be taken at face value, although visitors are often encouraged to think so. The burned-out hall was not even rebuilt in Yongle’s lifetime, but there’s much to be learned about him from it nonetheless."
The history of the world – as the Chinese see it
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In the United States, if the right and left agree upon anything, it is that China is the enemy, at a deep, cultural level.
As a historian with years of research on China myths, I believe a deep history of China-bashing can help explain its tenacious hold on the American mind.
THE CHINA THREAT
In his preface to the most influential 18th-century book on China, J.B. Du Halde said European explorers saw themselves as superior to everyone they encountered, but in China they found a populous nation with prosperous cities and a society so tolerant that religious wars were unknown.
At first, these reports were dismissed as fiction: “We could not believe that beyond so many half-barbarous nations, and at the extremity of Asia, a powerful nation was to be found scarce inferior to any of the best governed states of Europe.”
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François Fénelon accused the Chinese of being sneaky on the assumption they could not have achieved all this on their own, but because Europeans also made fortunes trading those commodities, the threat was not so much to the economy as to European face.
Another threat was China’s post-aristocratic society. Anonymous civil service exams reduced social class, religion, or ethnicity as factors in official selection. This made participation in government more egalitarian than in Europe.
Dutch, French, and English reformers seized on this to attack aristocratic privilege, arguing that China’s economic success was a product of its meritocratic system. Montesquieu recognised this as threatening to aristocracy and launched an all-out offensive in The Spirit of the Laws .
Our textbooks tell us the Baron was a champion of “liberty”, but fail to mention that “liberties” back then meant aristocratic privileges. We also learn he was opposed to “despotism”, but are not informed that “despotism” referred to stripping the nobility of their “liberties”.
Certainly, China was guilty of that. In China, any educated man could hold office, but Montesquieu insisted that commoners should never hold office. Genuine reformers like Abbe Raynal continued to promote China-style equality right up to the American and French Revolutions, but Montesquieu’s disinformation persisted as well."
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South China Sea: beware US ‘sabotage’, Beijing warns Southeast Asia
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"China has been for years now seeking to strengthen its economic and security ties with the ASEAN bloc, much to the consternation of the US. Indeed, one of the major obstacles faced by the US in confronting China in the South China Sea is the reticence among the very nations Pompeo sought to court in his statement to alienate relations with China, whose status as the region’s most economically powerful trading partner most ASEAN nations cannot ignore.
Here, President Trump’s precipitous decision to withdraw from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) in 2018 has come back to haunt US policy makers – void of any viable US-led economic alternative, the ASEAN nations have no choice but to gravitate toward China.
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Other than words, however, the US has limited leverage that it can apply – freedom of navigation exercises are an irritant to China, but have done nothing to halt its expansion in the region, and in the aftermath of the collapse of the TPP, the US has failed to put forward any coherent regional economic development strategy to counter that of China.
The critical question is to what extent the South China Sea littoral nations are willing to rally around the new US declaratory policy regarding China’s ambitions in the South China Sea. Lacking either the military muscle to compel Chinese change or the economic wherewithal to offer a meaningful alternative to China’s economic influence, Pompeo’s statement is little more than empty words masking growing US impotence.
The fact that the sole meaningful response to China’s stance in the South China Sea being pursued by the US is a radical restructuring of the Marine Corps solely designed to engage China militarily in the region should be worrisome to all; by failing to back up strong rhetoric with meaningful policy options, the US is in danger of backing itself into a corner for which the only solution will be the military tool offered by the marines. The entire world should hope and pray that it does not come to that."