Six on History: Schools
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1) What about Black students’ ‘discomfort’?, Jonathan Capehart, Washington Post
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One teacher often had students read sections of the textbook aloud in class. No one ever saw my growing alarm as I realized that the (startlingly brief) section on slavery would be intoned by me. I could feel the eyes on me as I read aloud paragraphs that barely scratched the surface of the inhumanity visited upon my ancestors.
The Civil War was merely a costly conflict between North and South that resulted in the liberation of the slaves. And the civil rights movement, in retrospect, was discussed with an odd mix of admiration at how African Americans braved harrowing violence to push for the equality promised in the Constitution — and annoyance at how they disrupted the status quo by doing so. Mostly, though, Black people and our foundational contributions to this country were downplayed or ignored.
Anyway, back to that Florida bill. While it says educators “may facilitate discussions and use curricula” to teach about things such as slavery, racial oppression and racial discrimination, the flawed measure includes a big ol’ “but.” It says that “classroom instruction and curriculum may not be used to indoctrinate or persuade students to a particular point of view inconsistent with the principles of this subsection or state academic standards.”
“Indoctrinate or persuade” is a giant loophole that could potentially lead to banning anything that twinges the fragile sensibilities of those who can’t handle confronting the truth or being intellectually challenged. Just how vacant this legislation and this movement are was illustrated by Tina Descovich, a leader of the conservative group Moms for Liberty. “To say there were slaves is one thing,” she told The Post, “but to talk in detail about how slaves were treated, and with photos, is another.” This is the very definition of what author Robin DiAngelo calls “white fragility,” which she says is “triggered by discomfort and anxiety" but is “born of superiority and entitlement."
What’s happening in Florida is part of a larger and offensive national freak-out over teaching the truth of our history. This past month, Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin (R) issued an executive order to “end the use of inherently divisive concepts, including Critical Race Theory” — which, I might point out, is not taught anywhere in Virginia public K-12 schools. During a radio interview that followed, Youngkin announced that there is even a tip line for parents to report school officials who they believe are teaching “divisive” subjects.
Singer John Legend had the perfect response to Youngkin’s nonsense. “Black parents need to flood these tip lines with complaints about our history being silenced,” he wrote on Twitter. “We are parents too.”
That’s who gets lost in all this: Black parents and their children. All because some White people can’t bear feeling “uncomfortable” learning about “divisive” subjects. They want a gauzy, feel-good version of history that blinds them to the impact such a mythology has on events unfolding now. Meanwhile, Black people have to live with the real-life consequences of this blissful ignorance.
In her new book, “South to America: A Journey Below the Mason-Dixon to Understand the Soul of a Nation,” Imani Perry, an African American studies professor at Princeton University, writes: “Americans are quite good at taking up pleasures of history and leaving its victims to fend for themselves. … If you want to understand a nation, or have aspirations for it that are decent, myth ought to be resisted.”
We’ll never understand this country as long as book banning, tip lines and legislation to bubble-wrap the tender White souls among us continue to flourish. We’ll just have more Black kids reading more rewrites of history, wondering what was left out. And they’ll know their discomfort never mattered."
Follow Jonathan on Twitter: @Capehartj. Subscribe to Capehart, Jonathan Capehart’s weekly podcast
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"Coming up on year three of the Covid-19 pandemic, school reformers want the crisis to become an opportunity for re-doing public schools. If only these pandemic-inspired reformers knew the past (see here and here).
The history of school reform has been a back-and-forth journey between hyperactive innocence and passive resignation. I will explain this and give examples shortly but I want to ask one question and then make one fact clear before I do.
Why has school reform occurred again and again? One would think that reform-minded policymakers and deep pocket donors who have not only defined educational and social problems to be solved, planned solutions to those problems, and adopted remedies–would be satisfied and walk away confident that the problems would disappear. Not so. Turns out that the social and educational problems reformers, generation after generation, aim to solve hang around after well-intentioned problem-solvers exit. Then amid a crisis (e.g., Sputnik in 1958, low test scores of American students on international tests in the 1970s) another generation of wannabe reformers enter stage right or stage left, do their thing and float off the stage (see here, here, and here).
The fact is that for tax-supported public schools in the U.S. there has been a perennial school “crisis” since the late-19th century (see here, here, and here). Naive reformers have attacked again and again, “crises” (and continue to) with gusto and money leaving disappointed practitioners, parents, and researchers slinking away, resigned to failure in the wake of perverse changes they had not anticipated.
Some examples of dangerous naivete and fatalism will help.
Naivete:
1. Mark Zuckerberg’s $100 million grant to the Newark public schools in 2010. With an additional $100 million raised in private funds, reformers closed Newark schools, created more charters, and vowed to improve abysmal student test scores in math and reading. Then Mayor Cory Booker, Governor Chris Christie, and others hailed the grants. However, much pushback from a subsequent mayor, community activists, and parents, largely ignored by the donors in giving the money to school officials, complicated the reforms (see here, here, and here). And the results, at best, have been mixed. At worst, many consultants reaped a bonanza.
Chalkbeat journalist Matt Barnum concluded:
*The overall effect of the reforms on student learning was mixed.
*Students seemed to benefit from school closures.
* Charter schools continued to outperform the district, but have grown less effective.
Even with accessibility broadened to 1:1 devices available to students–especially with the sudden move to remote instruction during the Covid-19 pandemic–they are used only here and there in lessons.
The fact is that many teachers continue to struggle in integrating devices and software into their lessons.
Struggles aside, digital tools have surely been incorporated into most teachers’ repertoire of classroom activities during the school day. But transformed teaching? Hardly.
Yes, classroom furniture has changed compared to the 1950s. Whiteboards have replaced blackboards. And “smart” boards have been installed. But the usual format of a lesson–beginning, middle, and end; dividing class into small groups, allowing for independent work, whole group discussions, etc. etc. etc.–all of these continue (see here, here, and here). Incremental changes have occurred in teaching over the decades but transformation, not so. Yet reformers’ innocence about past reforms and ignorant of the deep complexity of schooling continue in their frothy naivete and can-do enthusiasm for the reform du jour.
Resigned to Failure :
1. School reforms fail. Wrong.
The age-graded school (e.g., K-5, K-8, 6-8, 9-12), a 19th century innovation, has become an unquestioned mainstay of school organization in the 21st century. Today, most taxpayers and voters have gone to kindergarten at age 5, studied Egyptian mummies in upper grades of elementary school, took algebra in middle or high school and then left 12th grade with a diploma.
As an organization, the age-graded school allocates children and youth by their ages to school “grades”; it sends teachers into separate classrooms and prescribes a curriculum carved up into 36-week chunks for each grade. Teachers and students cover each parcel assuming that all children will move uniformly through the 36-weeks to be annually promoted.
If any school reform–in the sense of making fundamental changes in organization, curriculum, and instruction–can be considered a success it is the age-graded school. Consider longevity–the first age-graded structure of eight classrooms appeared in Quincy (MA) in the late 1840s. Or consider effectiveness. The age-graded school has processed efficiently millions of students over the past century and a half, sorted out achievers from non-achievers, and now graduates nearly three-quarters of those entering high school Or adaptability. The age-graded school exists in Europe, Asia, Africa, Latin America, and North America covering rural, urban, and suburban districts. What other school reform has been this successful?
Or consider the kindergarten. An innovation initiated by late-19th century middle-class women in various cities who wanted young, poor children to get experiences that would help them and their families do better in life. Beginning in private schools, by the early 1900s, city school systems slowly incorporated these private kindergartens into public schools making them K-8 schools (see here and here). By the end of the 20th century, pre-kindergarten classes for three- and four-year olds had become part of many urban districts (see here).
2. Largely minority and poor urban schools fail again and again. Not so. Instances of schools and districts enrolling poor children of color succeeding by the dominant metrics (e.g., test scores, graduation rates, college admissions) have appeared since the late-1970s when the Effective Schools movement emerged. Such schools and districts are surely the exception but they do exist especially when superintendent, principal and teacher leadership at these sites remain stable over time. Examples of such schools and districts that have lasted are:
*KIPP (Knowledge is Power Program)
California's Summit Public Schools offer a personalized model of education that works.
Keep in mind, however, that these districts and schools are not the rule. The dismal fact is that most schools and districts with predominately poor and minority children and youth are under-resourced, have inexperienced or beaten-down teaching staffs, and a record of entering and exiting principals and superintendents who cannot get a grip on the schools they lead. The record of continuing failure–using metrics of the day–tell the same story over and over again.
NYC Public School Parents
Posted: 13 Feb 2022 03:46 PM PST
We actually don't even know how many are: the only available data pertains to all children: those 5-11 years old are about 33% fully vaccinated, and those 12-17 year olds about 76%, according to state data. The city has similar figures: 39% for children ages 5-12 and 77% for children ages 13 to 17. However, doesn't tell us what the vaccination rate for public school students, either citywide or for individual schools.
Yet Local Law 152 was approved by the DOE in November of 2021 and came into force in mid-January,. The law requires DOE to report on vaccination rates, as well as consent rates for Covid testing and much other data, both citywide and by individual school as well as disaggregated by race, ethnicity etc.
Here is an excerpt from the law:
To the extent such information is collected, no later than 15 days after the effective date of
this local law, and every two weeks thereafter, the chancellor shall conspicuously post on the
department’s website a report that includes the following information, aggregated citywide and
disaggregated by school, for the previous two weeks:
1. The number and percentage of students partially vaccinated for COVID-19 in attendance;
2. The number and percentage of students partially and fully vaccinated for COVID-19;
3. The number of COVID-19 student testing consent forms received by the department that are
deemed valid and unexpired as of the end of the reporting period, and the total number of students
who were unvaccinated as of the end of the reporting period;
4. The number of COVID-19 student testing consent forms withdrawn; and
5. The number of unvaccinated students required to quarantine due to exposure in school to an
individual who tested positive for COVID-19, further disaggregated by students, teachers,
administrators, and other school staff.
d. To the extent such information is collected, the aggregated and disaggregated information
required weekly pursuant to subdivision b of this section shall also be further disaggregated by
grade level, gender, race or ethnicity, individualized education program status, English language learner status, status as a student residing in shelter and status as a student in temporary housing
that is not a shelter.
e. No later than 30 days after the effective date of this local law, and monthly thereafter, the
chancellor shall conspicuously post on the department’s website the aggregated and disaggregated
information required pursuant to subdivision c of this section, further disaggregated by grade level,
gender, race or ethnicity, individualized education program status, English language learner status,
status as a student residing in shelter and status as a student in temporary housing that is not a
shelter, to the extent such information is collected.
Yet the DOE has so far refused to release this data, as far as I know. Why is this important?
The city is spending millions of dollars on TV ads encouraging parents to have their children vaccinated. Yesterday, I asked parents and teachers on Twitter the following question:
I see a lot of TV ads urging people to get their kids vaccinated, but NYC teachers & parents- have you seen any real focused efforts in your schools? Examples: calls home, backpack mail, Vax sites established in schools, collaboration with PTAs or SLTs?
— leonie haimson (@leoniehaimson) February 12, 2022You can see the answers on Twitter. Most responders said their schools had done nothing to encourage parents to have their children vaccinated. One teacher said the principal had taken advantage of a vaccination clinic at a co-located school to get a booster, but hadn't informed the students or staff at their school of any such opportunities. And one teacher actually said that DOE has discouraged them from even mentioning the vaccination issue to their students:
Nope, and NYCDOE legal advises admin (who then advises us) to avoid sharing our “opinions” about vaccines with students/discussing them in general.
— I 🛏 My 📱 (@CheeElle4) February 12, 2022What a loss. This should be the top safety priority of schools going forward over the next few weeks.
New Orleans now requires vaccination of ALL students; DC has mandated vaccinations in its schools by March 1.
The very least the DOE should do is provide the legally-required data for public school students, both citywide and in individual schools, and make focused efforts in the schools where rates are low to persuade parents that vaccination is in the best interest of their children, their families, and their schools."
"A top executive for the College Board is playing a central role in advancing legislation to "limit what teachers can say regarding race, history, and politics in Indiana classrooms."
The executive, Todd Huston, is paid $460,738 to serve as the College Board's Senior Vice President for State and District Partnerships, according to the organization's latest tax filing. The College Board, which designs the SAT and Advanced Placement courses, has an enormous influence on what is taught in high schools across the country.
Huston also has a side hustle: Speaker of the Indiana House of Representatives.
In his role as Speaker, Huston has prioritized controversial legislation to restrict instruction in Indiana classrooms. The bill, HB 1134, would prohibit any classroom materials or instruction that support a list of poorly-defined "divisive topics." Among other things, the bill would prohibit any content that suggests "any individual should feel discomfort, guilt, anguish, responsibility, or any other form of psychological distress on account of the individual's sex, race, ethnicity, religion, color, national origin, or political affiliation."
A companion bill to HB 1134 was pulled from consideration in the Indiana Senate when its author, State Senator Scott Baldwin (R) said it would require high school history teachers to be "impartial" when discussing Nazism. Identical language remains in the House legislation. The legislation allows parents to sue schools that violate its provisions; a teacher that runs afoul of the new constraints could lose their license.
After the Senate pulled its version, Huston pushed forward and held a vote on the legislation on January 26. HB 1134 passed 60-37 on a largely party-line vote. (Nine Republicans opposed the legislation.) Huston voted in favor, over the opposition of Indiana teachers and civil rights groups.
"This bill seeks to pretend that the atrocities of the past have not taken place," Ivan Hicks, Vice President of the Indianapolis NAACP, said. "We need to ensure that our children are in an environment where they have an opportunity to understand the atrocities of the past and the horrors of slavery — not simply the greatness of America."
The Indiana bill, and similar legislation in other states, would also significantly impact what could be covered in high school Advanced Placement (AP) courses, which are shaped by the College Board. If Indiana's bill became law, how could an AP Literature course include works by James Baldwin, which include candid discussions of race and societal responsibility? How could an AP U.S. History course include "The Case for Reparations," which argues that Black people should be compensated for historical discrimination by whites?
"Indiana's HB 1134 includes provisions that would restrict what AP teachers and other high school teachers can teach in the classroom," Jonathan Friedman, Director of Free Expression and Education at PEN America, told Popular Information. "It has vague language that has become a hallmark of educational gag orders around the country, broad prohibitions on how teachers can teach a range of subjects or include certain concepts related to racism or bias in even supplemental materials. It seems pretty clear that the bill directly implicates the work of the College Board; the fundamental work of teaching, especially topics like history and literature."
Hundreds of thousands of students take AP courses each year that culminate in tests administered by the College Board. Does the College Board support Huston's efforts to limit the nature of the topics that can be discussed in these classes? Does the College Board support the broader efforts to limit curriculum about race and history across the nation? What does employing Huston as its top liaison to schools say about the College Board's mission and values?
Todd Huston oversees our regional offices and state and district partnerships.
The College Board did not respond to Popular Information's request for comment.
The College Board's history of catering to the right-wing on raceIn 2014, The College Board announced a revised framework for its AP U.S. History course. The purpose of the revision was to encourage students to "think more critically about America’s past." Rather than simply "quizzing students on presidential trivia and the heroic exploits of our founding fathers," students would learn, for example, "how racism was a foundational ideology of the early colonists and that immigrants have long been exploited for their labor."
The right-wing freaked out. The Republican National Committee (RNC) introduced a resolution condemning the new framework, stating that it "reflects a radically revisionist view of American history that emphasizes negative aspects of our nation’s history while omitting or minimizing positive aspects." The RNC also called on Congress to "withhold any federal funding to the College Board…until the [AP U.S. History] course and examination have been rewritten in a transparent manner to accurately reflect U. S. history without a political bias."
Glenn Beck sounded the alarm. Ben Carson, the former Trump administration cabinet member who was running for President at the time, warned that students who complete the revised AP U.S. History course would be "ready to go sign up for Isis.”
These heavy-handed tactics worked. Despite working on the revised framework for 8 years, the College Board capitulated to critics and rewrote the framework:
The College Board said it rewrote the framework in response to "principled feedback" and the new version was "clearer and more balanced." It includes "a section on 'American exceptionalism' after significant backlash from culture conservatives who said the exam wasn’t patriotic enough."
Today, history is repeating itself. Right-wing politicians are once again objecting to candid discussions of race in classrooms. But this time, those objections are not just being accepted and accommodated by the College Board. A top College Board executive is leading the charge.
The College Board's diversity problemThe College Board recognizes it has a problem with diversity. Specifically "African American, Latino, and Native American students" are underrepresented in AP courses. Since AP courses are a key factor in admission to selective colleges, the failure to enroll more of these students perpetuates inequality in higher education.
And they're trying to fix it, one school district at a time.
Critically, the College Board recognizes that this is not a matter of Black or Latino students being unprepared for AP coursework. And it is not only an issue of these students attending a high school where AP courses are not offered. Rather, thousands of these students are prepared but are not enrolling:
For example, in the 2018 cohort, while more than 55,500 African American students were identified as having AP potential in one or more AP subjects, over 26,400 students in that group (48%) did not take an AP Exam in any of those subjects. What’s more, 78% of those 26,400 students went to schools where the AP subjects in which they had AP potential were offered.
The College Board says "we can—and must—do something to move the needle now and eliminate barriers for students with potential."
One way to make these classes more appealing to qualified students of color is to include more diverse content. But the bill championed by Huston will only make it more difficult to candidly discuss racial history or assign acclaimed novels from diverse writers.
The College Board's silence about these bills, and Huston's role, raises questions about whether it is truly committed to making AP courses more representative of the nation as a whole."
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