Napoleon Total War English Language Pack Download
Aladino Bharudin
The International Relations major requires a minimum of 48 units. All majors should complete IR 210gw International Relations: Introductory Analysis , IR 211g International Relations: Approaches to Research , IR 212 Historical Approaches to International Relations and IR 213 The Global Economy in their first 32 total units. The 200-level courses must be completed by the time they have completed 48 total units. The 200-level courses must be completed before attempting 400-level courses.
Four semesters of a single foreign language are required. All majors are encouraged to obtain as much foreign language training as possible either through a major or a minor in a foreign language or through a study program abroad.
Beyond IR 210 , IR 211 , IR 212 and IR 213 , international relations majors are required to take eight additional upper-division courses. Majors must choose one course from each of the four fields: Culture, Gender and a Global Society; Foreign Policy Analysis; International Political Economy; International Politics and Security Studies. In addition, students must complete one course from Regional Studies (Europe; Russia, Eastern Europe and Eurasia; Latin America; the Middle East and Africa; or Pacific Rim). Finally, students must complete one 400-level course of their choice. Students are encouraged to explore different professional career options within international relations by enrolling in IR 391 Directed International Relations Field Study , a 2-unit course that can be repeated for major credit. Students may receive both general education credit and major credit for the same course.
This area examines the external relations of states, particularly the domestic and international factors that influence the formulation and implementation of national foreign policies. Factors within states (leadership, small group dynamics and domestic lobbying groups) and factors between states are stressed.
War and peace are at the heart of relations among nations. These courses investigate defense analysis, arms control, peace-building and strategic studies. The domestic, technological and international factors influencing defense and arms control policies and negotiations are considered. The World Wars, Korea, Vietnam and the numerous crises of the Cold War are the backdrop in these courses.
The regional studies field focuses on geographic regions, such as the Pacific Rim, Latin America, Europe, the Middle East and Africa. These courses test general theories of international relations within the framework of a specific region. The economic, political, ethnic and social history of a region are examined to help explain current developments and interstate and domestic policies and issues within a region.
Goethe is usually not recognized as an historian although, with Dichtung und Wahrheit and with Geschichte der Farbenlehre, he wrote eminent works of history that far exceed the compass of an autobiography or the chronology of a special branch of optics. When he tried to talk his friend Zelter into writing a history of music, Goethe wrote in 1815: "mtest Du bei einer bedeutenden Periode anfangen, und vor- und rckwrts arbeiten; das Wahre kann blo durch seine Geschichte erhoben und erhalten, das Falsche blo durch seine Geschichte erniedrigt und zerstreut werden."1 In a number of his plays, he uses Herder's theory of intertextuality Vom neuern Gebrauch der Mythologie,2 taking up figures, stories, and problems of the sixteenth century like Gtz von Berlichingen, Egmont, Tasso, and Faust, and finishing with the passionate cry for a future in which the problems that cause Gtz', Egmont's, Gretchen's death or Tasso's isolation are solved. These, then, are the questions that the contemporary recipient has to ask himself: would these figures be able to live according to their "prtendierte Freiheit"3 today? This approach is eminently historical but not in the sense that a historian of the time like Gatterer or Schlzer would have acknowledged as historiography. Goethe consciously establishes a systemic correlation for instance between the introduction of Roman Law and the abolition of the traditional privileges of knighthood in Gtz' time, and the burning question of the 1770s whether a general book of law should be introduced or whether regional traditions of jurisdiction should be preserved.4 History, here, is not any more magistra vitae but a critique of present times, and present times, inversely, create an understanding for the relevance of historical events and processes: between the contemporary recipient and history, Goethe establishes an organic system of reciprocation that, as a structure, he holds up until his last years. He adopted the approach of conceiving organic systems from Johann Gottfried Herder who in turn had dynamized Johann Heinrich Lambert's "Systematology" of 1764 for his philosophy of language and culture.5 I will show in this paper that Goethe used this systems approach not only for history but for his theory of colors, for aesthetics, poetry, and even in politics. Faust, as an eminent work of history, and in it, 3,000 years old, Helena, will provide a frame for some excursions into the systems aspect of the other fields just mentioned. [End Page 3]
Again, bad omen for Margarete/Gretchen. The double stage name used in different scenes indicates that Faust projects his split eros and sense for beauty on this girl who is not much older than 14 years, that he wants her to be an angel and a whore. His second word when he addresses her in the street is "schn," my beautiful young lady. And when she makes off he repeats to himself: "Beim Himmel, dieses Kind ist schn!"18 So, Margarete is, according to Mephisto's prophesy, Helena for Faust in this moment of sexual desire, and this is what he unmistakably signals to Mephistopheles: he must have this girl immediately. But in her room, the angel prevails again in Faust's religious adoration of her belongings. This double projection, evidently, must overcharge and kill Margarete. She is only a Proto-Helena, a stepping-stone cracked in two for a Faust who now begins to search for Helena, that is, for an illusion of the poets, a mythological figure that never existed in the real world and cannot exist in Faust's world. As we saw, the end of part one is dated 1800 by a chronotextual marker: so it is the tendency of transcendental idealistic philosophy, Kant, Fichte, Schelling, later Hegel, that Goethe satirizes as far as it forgets the real world, looses it out of sight or declares that it is but a mental construct, while at the same time Walpurgisnacht, the epitome of the real world, is being celebrated and nearly lures the dumbfounded Faust into forgetting himself and the pact for unhappiness and restlessness that ties him to Mephistopheles.
Goethe's occupation with Faust is interrupted after the completion of Part One in 1806: If Faust is a work of history and had been carried up to the immediate presence at the end of Part One, Goethe had to step back for some time in order to gain an overview of the new epoch especially when it was as turbulent as the beginning of the nineteenth century was. What we have discussed so far were, except for "Witch's Kitchen" written in 1790, scenes conceived, or at least finished in the period between 1797 and 1806; in that year, Goethe sent Faust I to the publisher Cotta who, due to the Napoleonic wars, printed it only in 1808. We must not forget that the two decades from 1792 to 1812/13 were years of war, first the coalition powers attacked the new French state, then, under the general, consul, finally emperor Napoleon Bonaparte, France struck back. He conquered the European continent and even reached for Egypt in order to contain the British expansion in the Mediterranean sea, not to speak about the ongoing [End Page 8] confrontation in the Americas. Like everybody, Goethe was fascinated by Napoleon, this "hchste Erscheinung, die in der Geschichte mglich war," and comments: "Man verleugnet sich das Ungeheure, so lange man kann, und verwehrt sich die richtige Einsicht des einzelnen, wo es zusammengesetzt ist. Wenn man aber diesen Kaiser und seine Umgebung mit Naivitt beschreiben hrt, so sieht man freilich, da nichts dergleichen war und vielleicht auch nicht sein wird."19 Goethe was evidently flattered when, at Erfurt and Weimar in 1808, this "Kompendium der Weltgeschichte"20 received him and talked to him for a whole hour. He was flattered when he learned that Napoleon had read Werthers Leiden seven times and wanted to discuss one specific inconsistency with him, demonstrating that he, "mit besonderem Zutrauen mich, wenn ich mich des Ausdrucks bedienen darf, gleichsam gelten lie."21 He was flattered when, in Weimar, he was decorated with the order of the French Legion of Honour on October 14, 1808, and by the Russian emperor with the St. Anna order a day later. But he kept his distance and was not naively enthusiastic as some historians insinuate.22 Napoleon wanted him to come to Paris and to write a Caesar tragedy for him; Goethe declined, said it was too "heickelig," delicate,23 and later on spoke of a Brutus tragedy that he had been asked to write.24 He was fascinated by a mighty Napoleon who, seeing him for the first time, said: "Voil un homme," behold, a man;25 but his distance is evident when he says in 1807 and keeps repeating over the years: "Auergewhnliche Menschen, wie Napoleon, treten aus der Moralitt heraus. Sie wirken zuletzt wie physische Ursachen, wie Feuer und Wasser."26 According to Falk's report, far from being nave, Goethe warned others: "Er verfolgt jedesmal einen Zweck, was ihm im Wege steht, wird niedergemacht, oder aus dem Wege gerumt, und wenn es sein leiblicher Sohn wre."27 It is evident that Faust, world possessor in act 5, who orders Philemon and Baucis to be removed resulting in their accidental death, is modelled on Napoleon as Goethe saw him. He was certainly proud of the ribbons, stars and crosses that the two emperors fastened on his gala gown or, as Lady Stein put it, of the bit of incense that was burnt for him,28 but he was definitely not less perceptive than the Duchess of Weimar who saw nothing but a scheme of cultural propaganda in Napoleon's flattering of Goethe and Wieland. "Er wei, da sie in Deutschland groen Einflu auf die ffentliche Meinung haben und da nun alle Zeitungen von der Gte und dem Entgegenkommen Napoleons reden werden."29 Goethe knew well that he was being used for propaganda purposes, and he copied the emperor, cleverly using his influence for the common weal of the dukedom of Sachsen-Weimar and especially for the duke himself, as Talleyrand notes in his report.30 As Napoleon did with him, so Goethe the politician made use of Napoleon as long as he was in power. This is a systemic approach, too, like the eye's adaptation to light and the selection of certain qualities of light for human purposes. The relation was, on both sides, based on the cool analysts' amazement at an absolutely extraordinary phenomenon: Napoleon's for the poetic genius and wise man whom he used to ask: "Qu'en dit Mr. Gt?" what does Mr. Goethe say to that?31 Goethe's for the man who could assert: "Was will man jetzt mit dem Schicksal? Politik ist das Schicksal!"32 Napoleon's politics, of course. [End Page 9]
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