Subject: NYT Editors don' takes kine-ly tuuda DCF's penisbiter and
"Military-Type Torture" of children
Date: Jan 4, 2010 6:12 AM
PENISBITER and HER TORTURING BOYFRIEND,
"Mr. Maris":
http://www.actionlyme.org/andersonpenisbiter.htm
http://www.actionlyme.org/INKEL_MOTION_APPEARANCE.htm
Ya really can't make up ^^^ little 3 and 4
year old boys demonstrating "military-type
stress positions."
http://www.actionlyme.org/CRIMES_OF_CORRUPTICUT.htm
I reported this to the New London Police
but as it turns out, some of them are
involved in pedophilia, too.
http://www.actionlyme.org/ENTRAPMENT_DCF_CHILD_ABUSE.htm
WHENCE, duh DCF deployed one of their
Entrapment routines.
KMDickson
http://www.actionlyme.org
http://www.nytimes.com/2010/01/04/opinion/04mon1.html?hp
January 4, 2010
Editorial
Yes, It Was Torture, and Illegal
Bush administration officials came up with all kinds of ridiculously
offensive rationalizations for torturing prisoners. It’s not torture
if you don’t mean it to be. It’s not torture if you don’t nearly kill
the victim. It’s not torture if the president says it’s not torture.
It was deeply distressing to watch the United States Court of Appeals
for the District of Columbia Circuit sink to that standard in April
when it dismissed a civil case brought by four former Guantánamo
detainees never charged with any offense. The court said former
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld and the senior military officers
charged in the complaint could not be held responsible for violating
the plaintiffs’ rights because at the time of their detention, between
2002 and 2004, it was not “clearly established” that torture was
illegal.
The Supreme Court could have corrected that outlandish reading of the
Constitution, legal precedent, and domestic and international statutes
and treaties. Instead, last month, the justices abdicated their legal
and moral duty and declined to review the case.
A denial of certiorari is not a ruling on the merits. But the justices
surely understood that their failure to accept the case would further
undermine the rule of law.
In effect, the Supreme Court has granted the government immunity for
subjecting people in its custody to terrible mistreatment. It has
deprived victims of a remedy and Americans of government
accountability, while further damaging the country’s standing in the
world.
Contrary to the view of the lower appellate court, it was crystal
clear that torture inflicted anywhere is illegal long before the
Supreme Court’s 2008 ruling that prisoners at Guantánamo, de facto
United States territory, have a constitutional right to habeas corpus.
Moreover, the shield of qualified immunity was not raised in good
faith. Officials decided to hold detainees offshore at Guantánamo
precisely to try to avoid claims from victims for conduct the
officials knew was illegal.
Reversing the Circuit Court would not have ended the matter. The
plaintiffs would still have had to prove their case at trial. They
deserved that chance. There are those who oppose trying to punish Bush-
era lawlessness — some who argue that America should not look backward
and some who excuse that lawlessness. But the rule of law rests on
scrutinizing evidence of past behavior to establish accountability,
confer justice and deter bad behavior in the future.
President Obama, much to his credit, has forsworn the use of torture,
but politics and policy makers change and democracy cannot rely merely
on the good will of one president and his aides. Such good will did
not exist in the last administration. And the inhumane and illegal
treatment of detainees could make a return in a future administration
unless the Supreme Court sends a firm message that ordering torture is
a grievous violation of fundamental rights.
Anyone who doubts the degree of executive branch pliability in this
realm needs to consider this: The party that urged the Supreme Court
not to grant the victims’ appeal because the illegality of torture was
not “clearly established” was the Obama Justice Department.
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