Some non-Italic IE loanwords in Etruscan

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Douglas G. Kilday

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Dec 6, 2002, 10:46:25 AM12/6/02
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Apart from Greek, Indo-European languages recorded in the Italian peninsula
during the first millennium BCE belong to the Italic, Venetic, Illyrian, and
Celtic groups. Italic and Venetic languages have, among other features, /f/
in initial (and often medial) position for IE */bh/ and */dh/, while Celtic
and Illyrian have /b/ and /d/. Illyrian (Messapic in SE Italy) further has
/a/ for both IE */a/ and */o/, while the other groups maintain the
distinction.

Some evidence from river-names and vocabulary indicates that an IE language
with phonetic features resembling Illyrian (/a/ for IE */o/; initial /b/,
/d/ for */bh/, */dh/) preceded the historically known Italic and Celtic
languages in west-central and NW Italy (Hans Krahe, "Sprachliche
Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa", Abh. Akad. Mainz, Jg.
1959, Nr. 1). River-names assignable to this stratum include the Audena in
Liguria, the Arnus on the northern border of Etruria, and the Digentia in
the Sabine country. Probable loanwords include Latin <mare> 'sea' and Oscan
<tanginúd> 'by opinion', which have /a/ where /o/ is expected. In this note
I examine some Etruscan words which appear to be borrowed from the same
source.

1. <lautn> 'family'; <lautni>, <lautneteri> 'freedman'; <lautnitha>
'freedwoman'

The use of the same root for 'family' and 'free' strongly suggests
derivation from IE */H1leudh-/ 'to grow, rise'. The source cannot be
Italic, however. Latin renders this */dh/ as /b/, while the other Italic
languages have /f/ (Faliscan <loferta> 'freedwoman', Oscan <Lúvfreís> 'of
the god Liber'). With /d/ and /a/ for IE */dh/ and */o/, a derivation of
Etruscan /laut-/ from */laud-/, representing the IE /o/-grade */H1loudh-/,
is reasonable. Greek and Venetic, like Italic, have only reflexes of the
extended stem */H1leudher-/ 'free'. Germanic, Slavic, and Baltic have
reflexes of the simple /e/-grade, generally in the sense 'people' (OHG
<liut>, OE <le:od>, OCS <ljud6je>, Lith. <liáudis>). Albanian has <polem>
'people' < */leudh-m/, <l`en> 'am born' < */leudh-n/, and <vëLá:> 'brother'
< */swe-loudha:/ 'birth from one's own stock' (hence 'family-mate,
sibling'). The last word, derived from the /o/-grade, is similar in sense to
Etr. <lautn>.

I take <lautn> 'family' (originally 'group of a certain birth, grown from
the same stem') as the basic attested word in this Etruscan set, leaving
open the question of the final /n/. The word <lautni> is then a
substantivized adjective formed regularly from */lautn-ni/. The form
<lautneteri> is a contraction of <lautni eteri> 'member of the eteri-class
who belongs to a family (and thus has certain legal rights)', where <lautni>
remains adjectival and <eteri> is a noun. Although these words are attested
only in Recent Etruscan, <lautnitha> indicates their antiquity, as the
feminine suffix <-tha> was no longer productive after Early Archaic times.

2. <tin> 'day'; <Tin>, <Tina>, <Tinia> 'Jupiter'

The vowel of <tin> must be long, since Recent Etruscan has the inflected
form <tinsi>, not *<tensi>, while Archaic <clinsi>, <cipen>, etc. became
Recent <clensi>, <cepen>, etc. That the /i/ which underwent lowering in the
initial syllable of polysyllabic words was short is shown inter alia by the
gentilicium <Lecne>, in Archaic Etruscan <Licine>, which corresponds to
Latin <Licinius>, whose initial /i/ is known to be short. The distinction
between <Tina> and <Tinia> appears to be purely orthographic, like that
between the praenominal forms <Thana> and <Thania> (Latin <Thannia>). That
is, both <Tina> and <Tinia> represent [ti:nja], formed from [ti:n] by the
suffix [-ja].

The use of the same stem for 'day' and 'chief god' indicates Indo-European
provenance from */dei-/ 'to shine' etc. Many Etruscan divinities are
recognizably Greek in origin, but it is clear that <Tin> cannot be derived
from <Zeus>, since Greek <-eus> regularly becomes Etruscan <-e> in borrowed
names. Similarly, <Tin> cannot be derived from Greek *<Ze:n> (a
back-formation from the accusative <Ze:na>), since Greek <e:> (i.e. eta)
becomes <e> or <a> in Etruscan names.

Italic has the thematic stem */dino-/ in Latin <nundinus> (*/noven-dinos/)
'of the ninth day, recurring after eight days', but the vowel is short, so
<Tin> cannot be derived from Kretschmer's supposed old Italic deity
*<Dinos>. The full-grade thematic stem */deino-/ appears in Baltic (OPr
<deinan> acc. 'day') and Germanic (Goth. <sinteins> 'daily; everlasting').
The vowel /i:/ of <tin> could represent a shift of */deino-/ to */di:no-/ in
the IE source language or, what I consider more likely, a shift of */ei/ to
*/i:/ in prehistoric Etruscan occurring after the borrowing.

3. <tur>, <turza> 'offering'; <turuce>, <turce> 'has dedicated'

Some workers have taken the basic word <tur> as a borrowing from Greek
<do:ron> 'gift'. However, borrowings of object-names from the Greek second
declension into Archaic Etruscan generally end in <-um> representing the
accusative ending <-on>, so a borrowing of <do:ron> should have yielded Etr.
*<turum>. Lack of an ending suggests an earlier borrowing from the same IE
root */do:-/ etc. 'to give', indeed the same stem */do:ro-/ with the passive
extension */-ro-/, seen also in OCS <dar6>, Arm. <tur> 'gift'.

4. <tmia> 'temple'

Other Etruscan words beginning with <tm-> are unknown. It seems reasonable
to derive <tmia> as a loanword from */dmia:/, a zero-grade extension of IE
*/dem(H)-/ 'to build' or 'to enclose' (which latter I consider the original
meaning, since it covers both "distinct" senses of this root, 'to build' and
'to constrain, break in, tame'). Greek has zero-grade forms such as
<dme:sis> 'taming' and <dmo:s> 'slave taken in war' (i.e. 'constrained
captive') but no reflex of */dmia:/.

5. *<fnestra> 'window'

This Etruscan word was postulated by Gustav Herbig (Idg. Forsch. 37:172-7
[1916/7]) as the basis for Latin <fenestra> with its by-forms <festra> and
<frestra>. Giovanni Alessio (Studi Etruschi 18:115 [1944]) regarded
*<fnestra> as derived from an earlier *<pnestra> 'breathing-hole' based on
IE */pneu-/ 'to breathe'. Other forms using an /s/-extension */pne:(u)s-/,
*/pnes-/ are limited to Germanic (e.g. OE <fne:osan> 'to sneeze', <fnesan>
'to breathe hard', <fnæ:st> 'breath'). Alessio thus concluded that a
prehistoric Etrusco-German contact across the Alps was likely (and
responsible as well for Etr. <lautni>). I do not think that such a
conclusion is warranted. Instead, some such word as */pnestra:/ was probably
borrowed from pre-Italic IE, with the shift */pn-/ > */fn-/ occurring later
in prehistoric Etruscan.

6. <thevru> 'bull'

This word appears in the designation of the Minotaur, <thevru Mines> 'bull
of Minos', and as a formant in the gentilicium <Thevruclna>. Borrowing from
Greek or Latin <taurus> is problematic, since spurious aspiration is
generally not acquired in this position, and <au> remains <au> (e.g.
<Clauce> from Gr. <Glaukos>). The borrowing must have been earlier, with the
aspiration acquired in a prehistoric Etruscan Lautverschiebung. As for the
vocalism, <lautni> indicates that even the prehistoric */au/ does not become
/eu/. The stem */teuro-/ must have been borrowed, which is regarded as a
cross between */tauro-/ (originally 'bison, aurochs' as in Balto-Slavic) and
*/steuro-/ 'large domestic animal'. Other reflexes of the crossed stem
*/teuro-/ are attested only in Germanic (Old Icel. <þjo:rr>, Dutch dial.
<deur>, etc.).


If these derivations are correct, several conclusions can be ventured. The
words listed here involve social organization, religion, construction, and
stockbreeding. It is not surprising that such words should be borrowed from
Indo-European. Their borrowing does not prove that the Etruscans (or
Proto-Etruscans) had no gods, cattle, buildings, etc. before encountering
Indo-European-speakers. It suggests rather that the Etruscans absorbed
certain elements into their culture after they encountered IE-speakers: the
legal status (as opposed to mere bragging rights) of having certain
ancestors (i.e. "family"), the centralized form of social organization
required to enforce this status (reflected in a religion having a powerful
chief god), the practice of bringing religious donations to temples
(reflecting the taxation required by centralized society), the status of
owning "bulls" as opposed to mere "cattle", and perhaps the construction of
dwellings requiring windows (as opposed to smoke-holes in the roof).

In my opinion, the similarity of 4 of the 6 words to Germanic forms should
not be taken as evidence for a prehistoric connection across the Alps.
Instead, it indicates the relative conservatism of the Germanic wordstock
with respect to the other surviving branches of Western Indo-European.

DGK

Peter T. Daniels

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Dec 6, 2002, 5:57:14 PM12/6/02
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Why have you published this here? It would seem a journal like _Kadmos_
would be a more appropriate outlet. Or JIES.
--
Peter T. Daniels gram...@att.net

Douglas G. Kilday

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Dec 8, 2002, 9:44:08 AM12/8/02
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"Peter T. Daniels" <gram...@worldnet.att.net> wrote in message
news:3DF12B...@worldnet.att.net...

> Why have you published this here? It would seem a journal like _Kadmos_
> would be a more appropriate outlet. Or JIES.
>

I have no professional standing, and it will be a long time before I get
any. I thought my note might stimulate some comments by others interested in
these topics.

DGK

Peter T. Daniels

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Dec 8, 2002, 12:49:10 PM12/8/02
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If you submit it to a journal, following the accepted procedures, it
will be reviewed (refereed) anonymously, and your "standing," or lack of
it, will be immaterial.

But no matter where you put it, your audience needs to be scholars of
Etruscan and IE, not the miscellaneous readership of a general
newsgroup.

Jonhillr

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Dec 16, 2002, 12:27:54 AM12/16/02
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>From: "Douglas G. Kilday"

>Some evidence from river-names and vocabulary indicates that an IE language
>with phonetic features resembling Illyrian (/a/ for IE */o/; initial /b/,
>/d/ for */bh/, */dh/) preceded the historically known Italic and Celtic
>languages in west-central and NW Italy (Hans Krahe, "Sprachliche
>Aufgliederung und Sprachbewegungen in Alteuropa", Abh. Akad. Mainz, Jg.
>1959, Nr. 1). River-names assignable to this stratum include the Audena in
>Liguria, the Arnus on the northern border of Etruria, and the Digentia in
>the Sabine country.

If you have the time, find and read the overlooked paper of Mayer on Illyrian
place names and hydronyms. Though overlooked by some, it is interesting.

>Probable loanwords include Latin <mare> 'sea'

Consider Baltic 'mara' 'marios' ='sea/bay'.

>I examine some Etruscan words which appear to be borrowed from the same
>source.

>1. <lautn> 'family'; <lautni>, <lautneteri> 'freedman'; <lautnitha>
>'freedwoman'

Consider two separate roots; 'laud' (people) and 'laut' (not-free/free). Then
re-review your Baltic options for equivalents.

>The last word, derived from the /o/-grade, is similar in sense to
>Etr. <lautn>.

Sure. *'lautnis'.

><lautnitha> indicates their antiquity, as the
>feminine suffix <-tha> was no longer productive after Early Archaic times.

*'Lautina' or *'Lautnitsa'.

>The vowel of <tin> must be long, since Recent Etruscan has the inflected
>form <tinsi>, not *<tensi>,

Try Baltic 'dien/diena'.

>Latin <Licinius>, whose initial /i/ is known to be short.

Sure. 'Licinat'

>The use of the same stem for 'day' and 'chief god' indicates Indo-European
>provenance from */dei-/ 'to shine' etc.

I am not sure about that.
Certainly the germanic 'dag' (and the proto-IE */dei/) come from the Baltic
'deg' - but I doubt that the Baltic 'dievs' comes from the Baltic 'deg'.

Rather I would suspect that it comes from the Baltic 'diena' = 'day'.

>but it is clear that <Tin> cannot be derived
>from <Zeus>, since Greek <-eus> regularly becomes Etruscan <-e> in borrowed
>names.

Dien/diena Dievs/dievas solves your problem. Not so?

>Italic has the thematic stem */dino-/ in Latin <nundinus> (*/noven-dinos/)
>'of the ninth day, recurring after eight days', but the vowel is short, so
><Tin> cannot be derived from Kretschmer's supposed old Italic deity
>*<Dinos>.

Dien/diena Dievs/dievas solves your problem. Not so?

>The vowel /i:/ of <tin> could represent a shift of */deino-/ to */di:no-/ in
>the IE source language or, what I consider more likely, a shift of */ei/ to
>*/i:/ in prehistoric Etruscan occurring after the borrowing.

Sounds plausible.
But it might be rather more simple than that. Certain Baltic dialects (yes
small Baltic has dialects) would render 'dievs' as 'deivs'.

>Some workers have taken the basic word <tur> as a borrowing from Greek
><do:ron> 'gift'.

Lithuanian 'turtas', 'turtingas', dora', and 'doroti' might be of help.

>It seems reasonable
>to derive <tmia> as a loanword from */dmia:/, a zero-grade extension of IE
>*/dem(H)-/ 'to build' or 'to enclose' (which latter I consider the original
>meaning, since it covers both "distinct" senses of this root, 'to build' and
>'to constrain, break in, tame').

>Alessio thus concluded that a


>prehistoric Etrusco-German contact across the Alps was likely (and
>responsible as well for Etr. <lautni>).

Not likely.

>Instead, some such word as */pnestra:/ was probably
>borrowed from pre-Italic IE, with the shift */pn-/ > */fn-/ occurring later
>in prehistoric Etruscan.

Yes.

>This word appears in the designation of the Minotaur, <thevru Mines> 'bull
>of Minos', and as a formant in the gentilicium <Thevruclna>.

>The stem */teuro-/ must have been borrowed, which is regarded as a


>cross between */tauro-/ (originally 'bison, aurochs' as in Balto-Slavic) and
>*/steuro-/ 'large domestic animal'. Other reflexes of the crossed stem
>*/teuro-/ are attested only in Germanic (Old Icel. <þjo:rr>, Dutch dial.
><deur>, etc.).

Can't help you here, except to note that 'taura' still means 'horn' in Latvian.


>In my opinion, the similarity of 4 of the 6 words to Germanic forms should
>not be taken as evidence for a prehistoric connection across the Alps.
>Instead, it indicates the relative conservatism of the Germanic wordstock
>with respect to the other surviving branches of Western Indo-European.

But... only if you accede to the reality of Baltic having been the original
source of those 'Germanic ' words.

jonhill

PS Since 'Slavic' seems to be a later derivative of 'Baltic' in relation to
Estruscan, let's just say 'Baltic'. Not so?


Douglas G. Kilday

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Dec 16, 2002, 6:22:10 AM12/16/02
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"Jonhillr" <jonh...@aol.com> wrote in message
news:20021216002754...@mb-ft.aol.com...
> >From: "Douglas G. Kilday"
>
> [...]

>
> If you have the time, find and read the overlooked paper of Mayer on
Illyrian
> place names and hydronyms. Though overlooked by some, it is interesting.
>
Do you have the reference (journal and date)?

> >Probable loanwords include Latin <mare> 'sea'
>
> Consider Baltic 'mara' 'marios' ='sea/bay'.
>

No doubt the Baltic and Latin forms are related. However, my point here was
that Latin should have *<more> if the word was inherited from PIE, since the
Celtic reflexes point to *<mori>. The fact that Latin has <mare> instead
suggests that Latin borrowed the word from a pre-Italic IE language which
merged PIE */o/ and */a/ into /a/. In general Celtic and Italic keep these
separate. Baltic and Germanic, like Illyrian, merge PIE */o/ and */a/ into
/a/ (while Slavic merges them into /o/), so the Baltic reflexes do not tell
us what the PIE vowel was.

> >I examine some Etruscan words which appear to be borrowed from the same
> >source.
>
> >1. <lautn> 'family'; <lautni>, <lautneteri> 'freedman'; <lautnitha>
> >'freedwoman'
>
> Consider two separate roots; 'laud' (people) and 'laut' (not-free/free).
Then
> re-review your Baltic options for equivalents.
>

Requiring two separate roots for one set of words (in Etruscan) seems like
etymological overkill.

> >The last word, derived from the /o/-grade, is similar in sense to
> >Etr. <lautn>.
>
> Sure. *'lautnis'.
>
> ><lautnitha> indicates their antiquity, as the
> >feminine suffix <-tha> was no longer productive after Early Archaic
times.
>
> *'Lautina' or *'Lautnitsa'.
>

I don't recognize these forms. To my knowledge <-tha> is native Etruscan,
and attempts to find relatives in other languages are of the _ad hoc_
speculative variety.

> >The vowel of <tin> must be long, since Recent Etruscan has the inflected
> >form <tinsi>, not *<tensi>,
>
> Try Baltic 'dien/diena'.
>

Baltic and Germanic have the only attested reflexes of this */dein-/ in IE.
My view is that the language from which Etruscan borrowed <tin> also had
one, but was neither Baltic nor Germanic.

> >Latin <Licinius>, whose initial /i/ is known to be short.
>
> Sure. 'Licinat'
>

I don't recognize that.

> >The use of the same stem for 'day' and 'chief god' indicates
Indo-European
> >provenance from */dei-/ 'to shine' etc.
>
> I am not sure about that.
> Certainly the germanic 'dag' (and the proto-IE */dei/) come from the
Baltic
> 'deg' - but I doubt that the Baltic 'dievs' comes from the Baltic 'deg'.
>
> Rather I would suspect that it comes from the Baltic 'diena' = 'day'.
>

PIE doesn't come from Baltic. Germanic */dagaz/ 'day' can't be derived from
PIE */dei-/, since initial */d/ in PIE regularly becomes */t/ in Germanic.

> >but it is clear that <Tin> cannot be derived
> >from <Zeus>, since Greek <-eus> regularly becomes Etruscan <-e> in
borrowed
> >names.
>
> Dien/diena Dievs/dievas solves your problem. Not so?
>

Yes. However, at least one Etruscanist did attempt to derive <Tin> from some
form of <Zeus>, so I had to cover the implausibility of derivation from
Greek.

> >Italic has the thematic stem */dino-/ in Latin <nundinus>
(*/noven-dinos/)
> >'of the ninth day, recurring after eight days', but the vowel is short,
so
> ><Tin> cannot be derived from Kretschmer's supposed old Italic deity
> >*<Dinos>.
>
> Dien/diena Dievs/dievas solves your problem. Not so?
>

Yes, but I am trying to show the implausibility of deriving <Tin> from
Italic.

> >The vowel /i:/ of <tin> could represent a shift of */deino-/ to */di:no-/
in
> >the IE source language or, what I consider more likely, a shift of */ei/
to
> >*/i:/ in prehistoric Etruscan occurring after the borrowing.
>
> Sounds plausible.
> But it might be rather more simple than that. Certain Baltic dialects (yes
> small Baltic has dialects) would render 'dievs' as 'deivs'.
>

And Pokorny cites the Old Prussian accusative <deinan> 'day', which is the
most conservative reflex of */dein-/ given. Old Lithuanian (16th cent.)
still had <deivas>, not <dievas>. The dialects you mention have retained
/ei/, whereas the "standard" forms of Lithuanian and Latvian have /ie/ in
some words, initially by etymological attraction to related Russian and
Polish forms, later by analogical extension. That is, "standard" Lith.
<dienà>, Latv. <dìena> have been influenced by Russ. <djen'>, Pol. <dzien'>
(which are reflexes of PIE */din-/, not */dein-/). This is discussed by
Alfred Senn, "Die Beziehungen des Baltischen zum Slavischen und
Germanischen", KZ 71:162-188 [1954].

> >Some workers have taken the basic word <tur> as a borrowing from Greek
> ><do:ron> 'gift'.
>
> Lithuanian 'turtas', 'turtingas', dora', and 'doroti' might be of help.
>

> [...]

Baltic isn't PIE, and Germanic can't be derived from it. Baltic has merged
the PIE aspirated voiced stops with the plain voiced stops. Germanic retains
distinct series of phonemes. Baltic has also merged the PIE labiovelars with
the velars, while Germanic has merged the PIE palatals with the velars but
(usually) kept the labiovelars distinct.

As for borrowing between Baltic and Germanic, most of it is in the direction
from Germanic (i.e. MLG) to Baltic; the Elbing vocabulary already shows
plenty of evidence of this.

> jonhill
>
> PS Since 'Slavic' seems to be a later derivative of 'Baltic' in relation
to
> Estruscan, let's just say 'Baltic'. Not so?
>

Slavic can't be derived from Baltic. I should probably have said "Baltic and
Slavic" instead of "Balto-Slavic".above, since the latter term can be taken
to imply a substantial period of Proto-Balto-Slavic unity which is not
warranted by the comparative material (this is also discussed in Senn's
paper).

DGK

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