Knights Of Honor Ii Sovereign Map

[Herodoto Tenk]

Thereare five types of knights in Knights of Honor II: Sovereign. In addition to your sovereign, you have eight free slots to use during the campaign. Marshals command your armies and are essential for battles. They also maintain the order of your lands and increase troop morale.

Clerics improve the faith and knowledge of your kingdom in Knights of Honor II: Sovereign. Thanks to them, it is possible to peacefully settle rebellions and persuade the population of a province to convert to another religion. They safeguard the culture and provide satisfaction by taking care of all spiritual needs.

After all, your people need to eat, and nothing reduces troop morale and your authority more drastically than when they go hungry. You can export surplus food to other countries through the trade contracts of your merchants.

Every good you either produce or import gives you a passive bonus. Resources like books or traditions also give you bonuses. Even when the stock cap is reached. For some building upgrades, not only gold is due, but also goods like ink or wool.

When all your knight slots are occupied, you should place governors where you have the strongest production conditions. An exception is of course times of war when you need your marshals at the front.

When sending your soldiers, keep in mind that crossing rivers takes significantly more time than a pure land route. For supplies along the way, you can raid and pillage villages. This also increases your gold supply. The number of coin symbols above the land shows you how rewarding the destination is. If there are three or more, looting is extremely lucrative.

You can close your ranks by ordering soldiers. You do this either to protect yourself from cavalry attacks or to surround and heckle your opponent. You use ranged units for sieges and melee units for the open battlefield. Up to four armies of over 100 military units can fight simultaneously in real-time.

As in Paradox games, it strengthens relations with a friendly kingdom if you marry children into them. The death of a king also means the loss of any non-aggression pacts and other types of alliances. These must therefore be renegotiated with the successor. If you have successfully married a child into another country and its king passes away, you can claim his kingdom and receive it for free.

Focus first on buildings that primarily produce food or provide for local population growth. Scan your territories in Knights of Honor II: Sovereign for useful features, such as the presence of a gold or salt mine, and then focus on mining the resource in question. You can safely ignore buildings like universities or castles at the beginning of the game. Much more important are housing, sources of income, and production of goods.

During construction, the number in front of a building shows you how many of them already exist in your realm. Besides gold and goods, the requirements for construction can also be linked to a certain faith value. When you upgrade, this automatically applies to all similar buildings throughout the empire.

Increase the gold supply and the number of your books to level up the skills of your knights faster or change the opinion of any population class in your favor at the push of a button. You can also improve your ruler skills or those of your heir.

Since at least Congenial Souls (2002), Stephanie Trigg hasdemonstrated a serious interest in the reception of the medievalacross the centuries in both academic and popular culture, an interestthat in this work addresses the Order of the Garter, which, sheclaims, can "reshape our understanding of both the Middle Ages andmodernity" (29). Eschewing the view from nowhere, Trigg situatesherself among Garter historians as a medievalist interested inmedievalism, of which the Order's history is an outstanding and uniqueexample. Her historiographical method is "vulgar," in that hercoverage is "neither continuous nor comprehensive" (15) and in itsfascination with how the Order, with its fantastic plumage and baseorigins, "threatens to seem laughable" (7). Those humble beginningslie in the putative story of the dropped garter, the confusion of theundone lady (possibly the Countess of Salisbury), the titters ofcourtiers, and King Edward III's shaming of the shamers with the now-famous declaration: "honi soit qui mal y pense" (shame on whoeverthinks badly of it). Unprovable and probably apocryphal though theincident is, the story of shame transformed into honor gathers mythicforce even as its authenticity is disputed.

Along with its introduction and brief conclusion, the book dividesinto three parts: "Ritual Histories" (Chapters 1-3), looselychronological in tracking the order's timeline from 1348 to thepresent; "Ritual Practices" (Chapters 4-6), largely thematic inexploring the issues of shame, tradition, and clothing; finally"Ritual Modernities" (Chapter 7) combines temporality with thematicsin considering the medievalism of the modern and the modernity of themedieval.

In Chapter 1 Trigg consciously disavows observing the usualconventions of Garter histories, which tend to indulge in thepleasures of enumeration by counting and recounting its genealogy ofmembers and to represent the Order as a continuous tradition ofrepeated rituals. Her disclaimer, one would think, need only be madeonce, yet it is reiterated and reaffirmed often enough to suggest herawareness of possible incompatibilities between the two mainpopulations this book attracts: academic medievalists and Garterenthusiasts. Precisely because the etiological story of the droppedgarter is irrecoverable, it exceeds the category of the factual tobecome archetypal, thus neutralizing vexed distinctions between causeand consequence, event and interpretation. As for the baseness ofthose origins, Trigg mines this rich seam throughout the book. Thisaugust company, now nearer seven centuries old than six, and havingonly recently tipped its membership into four figures, is scarcely amajor player in the public rites that fashion citizenly subjects andbuild nations, yet in enacting its own trivial origins in underwear,the Order performs the work of ritual as a sovereign transforms anordinary object into a political sign.

Chapter 2 tackles the documentary problem of origins, which is wheremost "straight histories" of the Order begin. The earliest copy of theOrder's statutes dates from 1415, leaving a large gap in the recordsfor the fourteenth century. One wonders, however, even if the lackwere remedied with some juicy source, whether it or anything else canoffer definitive access to "how it really was," to quote Leopold vonRanke. Trigg does not fully confront the question, yet in speaking ofthe "undecidability" of the Order's origins she hints at the suspicionthat positive evidence will never definitively provide that "finalclick of certainty" (50, 60). Whatever Edward's particular reasons forfounding the Order of the Garter, the contemporaneous founding of theOrder of the Round Table shows him well able to put political spin onromance and myth, exercising his own brand of medieval medievalism.The dropped garter is only the most well known of a number ofalternative theories for its adoption, which range in plausibilityfrom the garter bestowed on the king as a sexual favor to the Virgin'svagina as inspiration. Emboldened by this last one, I shall hazardanother. The Golden Legend narrates that after the Virgin hadascended bodily into heaven, she lets her girdle fall on top ofDoubting Thomas who had queried the veracity of her assumption. Thedetails change in some versions (for example, the Assumption accountin the Auchinleck Manuscript), but always at their center stands theVirgin's dropped girdle, so--given that the Order was dedicated to heras well as St. George and that it had "strong religious affiliations"(53)--I wonder, admittedly as an ignota about Garter origins,why this story is nowhere considered as a contender, if only to bediscounted.

Chapter 3 takes the Garter story to the early modern period, thecritical point at which garter historiography gets "critical" in thepejorative sense, and explicitly registers the embarrassment thatTrigg tracks. It also yields that distainful epithet "vulgar," whichshe playfully reclaims in the book's subtitle as she folds into hermethod the ironic simultaneous distance and proximity characteristicof medievalism. In the Garter's sartorial leap from lady's leg toroyal gam, this fraternity never shakes off the "fear of effeminacy"(118). Having noted how "weird" and "curious" its temporalities are,Trigg concludes from its homosocial anxiety that "it is almostimpossible to maintain a purely 'straight' reading of the Garter'sorigins" (111). With embarrassment and clothing now under discussion,she segues smoothly to the book's second part, where shame plays theoverture.

Chapter 4 explores many facets of this emotion, most interestingly howthe Order manages and documents its shaming rituals, for it is caughtbetween the conflicting desires of expunging the name of adishonorable knight from the face of record, and of hoarding in thearchive its every last ceremonious act. The result is a kind ofHeideggerian crossing out of a chivalric identity still legibleunderneath its bar of opprobrium. This double impulse is not exclusiveto the Order's defrocking protocols, for it also shapes penitentialconfession, where communicants must both own and disown their deeds.Yet inasmuch as shame indexes self-consciousness, it finds a naturalhome in chivalric pomp and ceremony, which threaten at any point tooverstep decorum into excess and expose the Order to the laughter thatis only an ostrich feather away.

If Garter enthusiasts are to be offended by any part of the book,Chapter 5 might displease most as Trigg critiques conventionalcommemorative histories for lacking self-critique and for theircelebration of a seemingly unbroken tradition that on closerinspection reveals deep fractures: the abeyance in the 1800s of theannual Garter Service for over a century; Edward VI's purging ofpopery and naughtiness from the newly Protestantized Order (inparticular, What is to be done with St. George?); and the exclusion ofwomen as formal members of the Order from the fifteenth to twentiethcenturies--a contradiction the five female monarchs who reigned duringthat period simply had to live with.

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