The Rise Of The Eye Of The Nine Realms - Chapter 5

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The Norse World, also known as the Nine Realms to its inhabitants and the Northlands to foreigners,[1] is the world of the Norse Gods and other races that exist along the branches of the World Tree, weaving them together to form the Norse World. It includes the nine realms (Midgard, Alfheim, Asgard, Vanaheim, Niflheim, Muspelheim, Helheim, Svartalfheim, and Jotunheim), and the Realm Between Realms, the realm which serves as an "in-between space" between the nine.

There are nine realms that exist among the branches of the World Tree. The tree itself is said to exist beyond time and space and therefore has no beginning.[2] But in the beginning, there were no realms, only Ginnungagap, the great void. There was also Fire, and there was also Ice, and in the void they met,[3] creating what would become the Spark of the World.[4] Their meeting also produced something more than water, the mystical life-blood of something entirely new, and from this mystic water Ymir, the first Giant, took form, a being of pure creation and chaos, a force of nature, mother and father to all that came after. Every god, man and beast came first from Ymir's flesh.[3] Surtr came into existence after Ymir, coming from Muspelheim to bring heat to the young cosmos, conjuring the Sun from his primordial flame.[5]

Seeking to dominate the rest of creation, the Aesir killed Ymir, with Odin spilling his blood with Gungnir, under the pretext of bringing order to creation. From his flesh, Odin created the realm of Midgard, where humanity would live alongside most animals.[3] However, an unexpected side effect of the murder is that, in the wake of Ymir's death, a rift in reality would be created. Looking inside would blind one of Odin's eye, and he would subsequently build his Great Lodge above the location of the rift to better study it.[6]

Updated Edition, April 04, 2013: This new edition of our 2012 report on Asian Americans provides data on 14 smaller Asian origin groups with population counts below 500,000 in the 2010 Census, along with detailed data on the economic and demographic characteristics of adults in nine of these groups. Our original 2012 report contained survey and Census data on all Asian Americans as well as specific information on the six largest Asian origin groups.

Asian Americans are the highest-income, best-educated and fastest-growing racial group in the United States. They are more satisfied than the general public with their lives, finances and the direction of the country, and they place more value than other Americans do on marriage, parenthood, hard work and career success, according to a comprehensive new nationwide survey by the Pew Research Center.

A century ago, most Asian Americans were low-skilled, low-wage laborers crowded into ethnic enclaves and targets of official discrimination. Today they are the most likely of any major racial or ethnic group in America to live in mixed neighborhoods and to marry across racial lines. When newly minted medical school graduate Priscilla Chan married Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg last month, she joined the 37% of all recent Asian-American brides who wed a non-Asian groom.1

Asian Americans trace their roots to any of dozens of countries in the Far East, Southeast Asia and the Indian subcontinent. Each country of origin subgroup has its own unique history, culture, language, religious beliefs, economic and demographic traits, social and political values, and pathways into America.

They also stand out for their strong emphasis on family. More than half (54%) say that having a successful marriage is one of the most important things in life; just 34% of all American adults agree. Two-thirds of Asian-American adults (67%) say that being a good parent is one of the most important things in life; just 50% of all adults agree.

Their living arrangements align with these values. They are more likely than all American adults to be married (59% vs. 51%); their newborns are less likely than all U.S. newborns to have an unmarried mother (16% vs. 41%); and their children are more likely than all U.S. children to be raised in a household with two married parents (80% vs. 63%).

Across the board, however, U.S. Asians are more likely than Asians in Asia to say their standard of living is better than that of their parents at a similar stage of life. U.S. Asians also exceed Asians in their belief that hard work leads to success in life. And while many U.S. Asians say that Asian-American parents place too much pressure on their children to do well in school, even more Chinese and Japanese say this about parents in their countries. (For more details on these and other cross-national comparisons, see Chapter 4.)

The basic demographics of these groups are different on many measures. For example, Indian Americans lead all other groups by a significant margin in their levels of income and education. Seven-in-ten Indian-American adults ages 25 and older have a college degree, compared with about half of Americans of Korean, Chinese, Filipino and Japanese ancestry, and about a quarter of Vietnamese Americans.

Their geographic settlement patterns also differ. More than seven-in-ten Japanese and two-thirds of Filipinos live in the West, compared with fewer than half of Chinese, Vietnamese and Koreans, and only about a quarter of Indians.

There are subgroup differences in social and cultural realms as well. Japanese and Filipino Americans are the most accepting of interracial and intergroup marriage; Koreans, Vietnamese and Indians are less comfortable. Koreans are the most likely to say discrimination against their group is a major problem, and they are the least likely to say that their group gets along very well with other racial and ethnic groups in the U.S. In contrast, Filipinos have the most upbeat view of intergroup relations in the U.S.

Their pathways into the U.S. are different. About half of all Korean and Indian immigrants who received green cards in 2011 got them on the basis of employer sponsorship, compared with about a third of Japanese, a fifth of Chinese, one-in-eight Filipinos and just 1% of Vietnamese. The Vietnamese are the only major subgroup to have come to the U.S. in large numbers as political refugees; the others say they have come mostly for economic, educational and family reasons.

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