Murasoli Newspaper Pdf Download Today ((HOT))
Thibaut Silverman
Until recently, the newspaper was the medium through which Karunanidhi reached out to his cadre. Addressing them as udanpirappe (brethren), his article in a letter format talked about key political issues. The veteran politician has often described Murasoli as his first child.
Maran edited a daily newspaper in Tamil Murasoli published from Chennai. He was also an editor of The Rising Sun, a weekly in English. He published Kunguman, Muththaram, Vannathirai and Sumangali in Tamil language.
Murasoli was a Tamil language newspaper. It was known for its independent line and opposing the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord as did not consult the Tamils. It was founded by Sinnadurai Thiruchelvam. He was arrested multiple times by the IPKF and his teenage son Ahilan Thiruchelvam was murdered by the IPKF backed EPRLF. He and his wife went into hiding in Colombo moving from place to place for security. Murasoli was closed down by the Indian Peace Keeping Force with all its copies confiscated, its journalists and workers arrested and its printing machinery destroyed in 1987.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8]
As soon as you enter the air-conditioned building you come across a treadle, a traditional machine used for the printing of newspapers. It was this machine that came to use when the paper transformed into a weekly in 1948. "It used to be a very tedious job," says Ravi, who works at Murasoli's printing press. "During those times, it would take 30 people three hours to finish a single page. Now, the machine does it in six minutes," he laughs.
He paid Rs 35 to rent out his first office space in Royapettah and the newspaper started to do exceedingly well. Karunanidhi who wrote under the pen name Cheran, incorporated large doses of satire in the publication and used it against his political opponents.
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The newspaper said that representatives of online gambling firms called on the Governor and that there is no information on why they met him. It is not difficult for the media to figure out who is behind the repatriation of the bill, it alleged.
India's entry into the WTO and the increasing attention paid by the Indian government to the workers' rights clause issue sparked the media's interest in the beginning of 1995. Major newspapers around the country began to print a slew of editorials that, by and large, opposed the workers' rights clause, arguing that it was motivated by bad faith and was not in the best interests of India. In Kolkata, The Telegraph ran an editorial entitled "Clause and Fangs," which condemned the workers' rights clause as "motivated by simple economic fears: cheap third world imports flooding the first world in a liberalized global trading system." (52) The prominent Chennai newspaper, The Hindu, ran an editorial that read, "Here is protectionism in its new garb aiming to strike at the main competitive advantage of the poorer countries, namely, the relatively cheap labour." (53)
Perhaps as a means of supporting their opposition to the workers' rights clause, newspapers made special efforts to favorably report on opposition from non-Indian sources, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), (54) the U.K.'s Tory government, and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). (55)
Arguments in support of a workers' rights clause were generally given less coverage, and evidence that the impact of a workers' rights clause might not necessarily be to the detriment of India's economy was largely discounted. In April 1995, for example, a preliminary draft of what was to become a well-publicized report by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) suggested that there existed a correlation between levels of respect for core labor rights enforcement and higher trade flows. (56) The Indian press also reported that the report criticized India's level of respect for labor rights. The Mumbai-based newspaper, Indian Express, ran an article covering the release of this preliminary draft and made no secret of its point of view by dismissing the report's conclusions as being "without evidence." (57)
At least one newspaper, however, was not so sanguine about opposing the social clause. The Business Standard analyzed what would actually substantively be included in a workers' rights clause and, approaching the issue with a little more nuance, ran an editorial suggesting that "the advantage of India opposing the 'social clause' is none too clear except in the obviously contentious area of minimum wages ...[but] wages are not currently on the agenda." (58)
Both labor-oriented NGOs and non-labor-focused NGOs also opposed the trade and labor linkage, although there was not as much consensus among them as there was among labor unions. One of the most active NGOs on the issue was the Consumer Unity and Trust Society (CUTS), a consumer-rights group that established a trade-policy program in which fighting the social clause was a major policy priority. (59) The Center for Education and Communication (CEC), a prominent NGO that is closely associated with independent unions and researches workers' rights issues, organized in March 1995 a forum on the social clause with participants from NGOs, trade unions, and academia. The newspapers reported that, while there was some disagreement between NGOs and unions on the merits of supporting the social clause, everyone agreed the clause was motivated by protectionist Western goals, and most believed that it should be opposed. (60) In October 1995, the CEC organized a follow-up meeting, in Bangalore, to its original conference on the social clause, where it issued another anti-social-clause statement. As an alternative to trade-related measures, the CEC advocated a market-based approach, recommending the creation of a national labor body that could accredit products made in compliance with international labor standards such that consumers could decide whether or not to purchase the product. (61)
The failure to make any headway in Seattle on trade and labor standards linkage marked both a severe blow to social clause advocates and, perhaps, a stinging defeat. The developing countries managed to successfully prevent the creation of any mechanism within the WTO to discuss labor issues. That accomplishment, combined with a newly elected conservative U.S. administration in 2001 that was hostile to linkage, quelled any momentum to include a workers' rights clause in the WTO. As a result, the social clause debate largely died down in India after Seattle, although newspapers would still print the occasional editorial and op-ed piece. The WTO Doha Ministerial Conference, in November 2001, notably did not include the social clause issue on the agenda, and the Doha Declaration only reiterated the 1996 Singapore statement, reaffirming that the contracting parties would work with the ILO on the social dimensions of globalization. (84) Effectively, the campaign for a workers' rights clause was dead.
Accusations of a neocolonial agenda and mentality were also made toward the Seattle protestors, workers'-rights-clause advocates, and NGOs, who were sometimes compared to the colonial rulers. One commentator, for example, wrote in a major Indian newspaper:
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