1. As one of the most famous satyagrahis in history, Mahatma Gandhi
needed immense bravery in order to stand up to the numerous attacks
that were perpetrated against him by the British. Even as early as
1908, when he was but a young lawyer in South Africa, Gandhi was brave
enough to organize a massive campaign to protest the Asiatic Law
Amendment Act, an act which forced Indians to carry citizenship papers
with them at all times. With over 30,000 Indians in attendance, the
bonfire Gandhi hosted could have easily turned into a riot, which
would have decidedly turned the legal tides against the Indian people.
Instead, Gandhi’s protests embodied the virtues of Satyagraha, and
succeeded in forcing the South African government to change the
provisions of the Asiatic Law Amendment Act. Some years after his
stint as a lawyer, Gandhi was jailed for writing “seditious” articles
about the British government. While most would normally attempt to
deny any connection with the crime, Gandhi instead pled not-guilty,
adhering to his vaunted principles of holding to the truth – the
definition of satyagraha. This, though, was only the beginning of
Gandhi’s bravery, as the tribulations he encountered as the figurehead
of the Indian resistance movement were far more trying. His ultimate
act of civil disobedience, however, was his planning of the raid on
the salt works at Dharasana. Under an imperial regime where protesting
could earn one a whacking on the head with a lathis or worse, Gandhi
had the courage and temerity to plan a full-scale raid with over 2,500
people; indeed, the only reason he did not attend said raid was
because he was trapped in jail. Gandhi, the codification of the
philosophy of satyagraha, required immense courage in order to face
down the intractable British government – and Gandhi had more than was
required.
2. Aside from concerns regarding his personal security, Gandhi, in
conducting a satyagraha campaign, had to fear for both the safety and
actions of his fellow protesters. While Gandhi had an amazing
resistance personally to physical and social castigation, his fellow
protesters did not have the same level of endurance. This is a concern
common to all non-violent protests, as the sheer numbers of protesters
are what make non-violent protests so effective. If the collective
behind the individual does something violent or is taken away from
under the leader of the movement, then the entire satyagraha movement
collapses. To this end, leaders of non-violent protests must make sure
that their constituent protesters do not become violent, no matter how
nasty the treatment they receive becomes. Leaders also must ensure the
safety of their protesters to a certain extent, as horror stories of
how protesters are injured or worse can drive away members from the
protesting force, thereby weakening the strength of the collective.
3. In his statement that one must never forget “that he and the
attacker are one”, Gandhi does a twofold service, reminding his
protesters not to strike back while also stating higher truths about
the nature of protest. His statement also displays how Gandhi never
particularly used revenge or other negative emotions to inflame his
protesters to action, instead preferring non-violent action – and this
is the ultimate example. On a deeper level, Gandhi refers both to how
their attackers are Indian and how their attackers are still
fundamentally human, and therefore deserve all the treatment
commensurate for a sapient being. This concept, in Hinduism known as
ahimsa, is one of brotherly love, in which humanity exists to better
the state of the overall collective. The reminder that Gandhi provides
is most necessary as well, for it helps to prevent his protesters from
bursting into violence. As Gandhi himself fundamentally states, “I
wanted to avoid violence.” That is the purpose of Gandhi’s comparison
of the attacker vs. the attacked – to emphasize that the attackers,
though brutal, must be treated like people as well. After all, were
violence to break out in Gandhi’s ranks, the British would
instantaneously have an excuse to unleash military forces on the
unarmed protesters.
4. Gandhi had mass appeal, and not merely because of his
representation of the Indian will to throw off the yoke of British
imperialism. By dressing in traditional Indian garb and preaching
Hindu values, Gandhi skillfully maneuvered himself into the position
of figurehead/leader of the overall Indian insurrection, representing
the values of Indian culture. In addition, Gandhi’s message of social
equality and a return to Hindu values appealed to the lower classes,
who fervently supported Gandhi. As leader of the Congress Party, the
majority political party in India, Gandhi showed that he could attract
even more support nationally based on his ability to make consensus
and attract attention for his cause. Gandhi’s political popularity was
predicated on his excellent leadership of the non-violent movement,
his representation of Indian cultural values, and his skill at forcing
Great Britain to make concessions to the Indian people.
5. The effectiveness of non-violent protest is predicated on the
context in which it is used and on how well it is executed (option b).
Contextually speaking, non-violent protest is best used when its
likely opposition has at most the forcefulness of a police system.
Unlike a military, which can rapidly quash large-scale protests via
the use of “spray and pray” tactics, police forces are generally ill-
equipped for protests on a national scale; even riot police forces are
limited in their power, especially when attempting to deal with
peaceful protesters. As seen in Egypt, a police force alone cannot
hold the line against a national uprising, even if the uprising
displays little in the way of active violence. Egyptian protesters,
united primarily by their computer monitors and years of suffering,
were overall very similar in their methods to their Indian
counterparts some 90 or so years earlier. Both, being united by
grievances against autocratic regimes that ignored their needs,
eventually forced major changes in government – and both went through
a period of uncertainty afterward. This was because neither movement
had a figurehead after the revolution ended; Gandhi had been shot
shortly after independence had been declared and no single individual
led the entire overall movement for Egyptian liberation. Even a
leaderless daze, however, is preferable to the outcome of a non-
violent protest when faced against a military force. As demonstrated
time after time by protests in more repressive regimes around the
world, non-violent protests in totalitarian countries are not nearly
as effective as they are in slightly more liberal nations. The police
forces in the totalitarian countries are not merely police; they are
active military members merely donning the police name. Therefore,
these military forces can also easily quash most non-violent
protesters by killing and shooting them, which then stifles the
protest movement via fear. Worst of all, foreign governments, while
outwardly condemning these offenses, do not show the same shock they
would for more liberal countries, as it is “expected” from the
dictatorships. Examples of this, sadly, abound in modern history: the
way the Soviet Union, China, North Korea, Rwanda, Uganda, and many
other latter-century dictatorships dealt with their non-violent
protestors was (and still is) reprehensible. What must be also noted,
however, is that those non-violent movements either were quashed or
are still fighting for the recognition of their aims today. The
success of non-violence as a protest form is predicated on three
factors: the probability that the protesters will not turn violent,
the overall oppression the government inflicts on the people, and the
force that the government is willing to use on the people. Non-
violence might be the highest moral form of protest – practically
speaking, however, it is necessary to analyze the situation thoroughly
before considering non-violence as a form of inciting revolution or
significant governmental change.
On Apr 7, 10:43 am, "Mr. J." <
glen.jaskelew...@rtsd.org> wrote:
> 1. Gandhi often stated that it took great courage to be a
> satyagrahi. Find at least three examples in the documents to support
> his view.
> 2. Besides the personal danger that a satyagrahi might face, list
> some other concerns one should have while conducting a satyagraha
> campaign?
> 3. What did Gandhi mean by this statement, that the satyagrahi
> "...never forget that he and the attacker are one"? Please be
> specific.
> 4. Why do you think that so many Indians supported Gandhi's
> satyagraha movement? Please be specific.
> 5. Which of the following statements is closest to your view of the
> satyagraha?
> a. I believe whole-heartedly in satyagraha. This type of civil
> disobedience based on moral force not only shows great courage, but
> it
> truly has the power to change the world for the better.
> b. The effectiveness of satyagraha is relative, depending on the type
> of opponent you're facing. In some circumstances this tactic would
> be
> effective. In others it would be unwise and ineffective.