A Great Big World Hold Each Other Mp3 Download

[Jacinto Man]

Thiscomes from how I have chosen to respond to my own personal experiences with violence and healing. I believe that people cause harm when they themselves have experienced harm, whether that is interpersonal violence, state violence or domestic violence. And to end cycles of violence, we need to really dig at the roots of the systems that perpetuate them.

While that must be done collectively, I also think it is important to look inward as individuals to understand our own personal journeys and how we relate to others. I think that allows us to develop empathy for others that we may not have had.

I was born in Baltimore, Maryland. My dad is a pediatrician, and my mom is a pediatric nurse. While I was a kid, we moved a few times. When I was 8, we actually moved to Auckland, New Zealand, where my dad got a position at a local hospital.

I lived in New Zealand for most of elementary school before we ended up moving back to the United States, landing in Minneapolis, Minnesota. I went to most of middle school and high school in the Twin Cities.

After high school, I attended Macalester College in Saint Paul, Minnesota, where I learned a lot about racial justice work because the student body had a significant community of activists. Pushing for radical change was a normal occurrence. It was in the air that many of my peers and I breathed.

I was intrigued by the connections between science and politics that show up in hydrology, because water in dry places is contentious. And I thought that questions of scarcity were interesting in how science can be brought to bear on social questions and in how we build systems of management and sharing.

Coming to Berkeley, I was blown away by the degree of expertise of my student colleagues. My scientific background before grad school was pretty light. But a lot of my peers were already superstar researchers and knew the literature.

I have always had a strong commitment to social justice and anti-racism work. Building a beloved community, particularly through nonviolent practice, has been core to my moral alignment and commitment to the world. But two years into my graduate studies, I experienced an incident that really put me on the spot to live out those values that until that point had often been a bit abstract.

In that moment, what I needed was trauma care. I needed medical care and psychological first aid. And instead, the officer was interested in quotas and trying to produce the results that our policing and prison system incentivizes.

I have a beautiful network of friends on and off campus who supported me through that process to turn it into a productive introspection of myself and my values. I posed questions to myself like: How does this change the way that I move in the world? What do I believe would truly heal me? How can we prevent harm and move through restorative processes?

I am excited that the IAB is working in partnership with some campus offices to change mental health care and crisis response, basic needs security resources, narratives about what safety is, and campus support for people who have been harmed by violence, whether that is at the hands of police or others.

While graduate students cycle in and out of the university, having a coalitional, interdepartmental space like the Graduate Assembly, we can share wisdom, long-term visions, histories and projects with each other to build solidarity and avoid having to reinvent the wheel.

Parallel to what the IAB also advocates for, in the aftermath of the police murder of George Floyd, the Graduate Assembly also pushed to reduce campus investment in policing. This is important to me because I myself have seen Black and brown students on campus profiled and harassed by police in ways that have interfered with their well-being and their education.

We have built a culture of extraction and domination about how we relate to each other and the natural world. The way we strip mine, clear forests, dam rivers and tap into new oil reserves, often at the expense of Indigenous and poor communities, is extremely violent. These systems of wealth accumulation have mortal consequences for a lot of people and are a huge problem for climate change, too.

Those ideas of domination also trickle into the prison-industrial complex, where the sort of violence that we inflict on our natural world we also inflict on each other in order to maintain a social hierarchy that I think needs to go.

At end of nineteenth century, the British pound was more than double in value to its closest competitor, which included the French franc and the German mark. American dollars could not compete with European currencies. The strength of the British pound continued to persist, but its preference as a standard currency for global commerce was weakening over time. Economic scholars Menzie Chinn and Jeffrey Frankel argued that the waning power of the British pound, hit by two world wars and a global economic depression, allowed the American dollar to surpass the once robust British currency. By 1945, the status of the dollar and the pound had essentially flipped. Within a few decades, the United States transformed from an isolationist, inward-looking power with minimal presence on the global stage to an economic powerhouse that controlled the most valuable currency in international markets. How did such a remarkable transformation occur?

The arsenal of democracy that Franklin D. Roosevelt called into existence when the United States entered World War II proved to be a valuable investment in the American economy. By 1945, the United States was manufacturing more than half of the produced goods in the world. US exports made up more than one-third of the total global exports, and the United States held roughly two-thirds of the available gold reserves. The sudden onset of this new position of economic power presented the United States with a number of new responsibilities. The actions of American leaders would no longer only affect citizens in the United States. Such actions proved to have long-reaching repercussions across the globe.

The emerging economic power of the United States came into focus even before World War II came to an end. During a conference held at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, from July 1-22 in 1944, delegates from 44 nations met to discuss the postwar global order and establish a new international monetary system. This conference was held in an effort to avoid another global economic depression similar to the one that occurred in the interwar period. The theory that partnerships built on trade and economic ties would help discourage the outbreak of another world war led to the construction of a new International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Both the IMF and the World Bank were established in Washington DC, and these organizations aimed to monitor the movement, to use of funds between nations, and to provide loans to countries experiencing economic hardship. At the Bretton Woods Conference, exchange rates were linked to gold reserves, and with the United States holding the bulk of the gold reserves in the world, the dollar emerged as the new reserve currency for international commerce and trade. While the IMF would oversee the maintenance of this new global economic system, the United States and the dollar emerged as the economic standard bearers for the postwar world.

The leading role occupied by the United States following World War II grew through the creation of the United Nations in 1945. Meeting in San Francisco, delegates from 50 countries created a charter for this new international organization, founded to prevent the outbreak of another world war. Poland later signed on, bringing the founding number of countries to 51. With the UN Charter agreed upon, the United Nations formally came into existence on October 24, 1945.

Rebuilding the war-torn countries of Western Europe not only helped avoid another economic depression, but it also contributed to the growing competition for global dominance between the United States and the USSR. The emerging conflict between capitalist and communist countries fueled the desire of American leaders to ward off the presence of communism in Western Europe in favor of capitalist ventures. As much as the United States invested in the rebuilding of economic markets to promote its own goods and to prevent the outbreak of another global war, the Marshall Plan served as a conduit for the spread of capitalism across Western Europe, hindering the global power and influence of the Soviet Union.

Note: The following text is a transcription of the Stone Engraving of the parchment Declaration of Independence (the document on display in the Rotunda at the National Archives Museum.) The spelling and punctuation reflects the original.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.--That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, --That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.--Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

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