Oriental Shape

[Karoline Oum]

Thedata in this report comes from two main sources. The first is a nationally representative survey of 7,006 Asian adults exploring the experiences, attitudes and views of Asians living in the U.S. on several topics, including discrimination and racism in America, identity, affirmative action, global affairs, policy priorities and religious identities. The survey sampled U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic ethnicity. It was offered in six languages: Chinese (Simplified and Traditional), English, Hindi, Korean, Tagalog and Vietnamese. Responses were collected from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023, by Westat on behalf of Pew Research Center.

Survey respondents were drawn from a national sample of residential mailing addresses, which included addresses from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Specialized surname list frames maintained by the Marketing Systems Group were used to supplement the sample. Those eligible to complete the survey were offered the opportunity to do so online or by mail with a paper questionnaire. For more details, refer to the survey methodology. For questions used in this analysis, refer to the topline questionnaire.

The second data source for this report is focus groups. Survey results are complemented by findings from 66 pre-survey focus groups of Asian adults, conducted from Aug. 4 to Oct. 14, 2021, with 264 recruited participants from 18 Asian origin groups. Focus group discussions were conducted in 18 different languages and moderated by members of their origin groups. In the focus groups, participants discussed their experiences with discrimination in the United States, and some quotations are used in this report. Quotations are not necessarily representative of the majority opinion in any particular group living in the U.S. or of Asian Americans overall. Quotations may have been edited for grammar, spelling and clarity.

The terms Asians, Asians living in the United States, U.S. Asian population and Asian Americans are used interchangeably throughout this report to refer to U.S. adults who self-identify as Asian, either alone or in combination with other races or Hispanic identity.

Region and regional origin labels, such as East Asian and East Asian origin, are used interchangeably in this report for findings for regional origin groups, such as East Asian (which includes Chinese, Japanese, Korean or other East Asian origins), South Asian (which includes Bangladeshi, Indian, Nepali, Pakistani or other South Asian origins) or Southeast Asian (which includes Cambodian, Filipino, Hmong, Vietnamese or other Southeast Asian origins) adults. Regional Asian origin groups in this report include those who self-identify with an Asian ethnic origin group or multiple Asian ethnic origin groups that belong to one Asian region only. Responses for Asian adults who identify with ethnic origin groups that belong to two or more Asian regions are included in the total but not shown separately.

Immigrants in this report are people who were born outside the 50 U.S. states or the District of Columbia, Puerto Rico or other U.S. territories. Immigrant, foreign born and born abroad are used interchangeably to refer to this group.

Naturalized citizens are immigrants who are lawful permanent residents who have fulfilled the length of stay and other requirements to become U.S. citizens and who have taken the oath of citizenship.

Throughout this report, Democrats refers to respondents who identify politically with the Democratic Party or those who are independent or identify with some other party but lean toward the Democratic Party. Similarly, Republicans includes both those who identify politically with the Republican Party and those who are independent or identify with some other party but lean toward the Republican Party.

In this report, Asian adults who are single race include those who self-identify as Asian and no other non-Asian race or origin. Asian adults who are two or more races include those who self-identify as Asian and at least one other non-Asian race or origin (such as White, Black or African American, American Indian or Alaska Native, Native Hawaiian or other Pacific Islander, or some other non-Asian race or origin). Racial identity groups were constructed regardless of Hispanic self-identity.

The spike in incidents of anti-Asian discrimination during the COVID-19 pandemic sparked national conversations about race and racial discrimination concerning Asian Americans.1 But discrimination against Asian Americans is not new.2 From the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act, to denial of the right to become naturalized U.S. citizens until the 1940s, to the incarceration of Japanese Americans during World War II, to backlash against Muslims, Sikhs and South Asians after the terrorist attacks of Sept. 11, 2001, most Asian Americans have faced discrimination and exclusion while being treated as foreigners throughout their long history in the United States.

Today, 57% of Asian adults see discrimination against Asians living in the U.S. as a major problem. And 63% say too little attention is paid to race and racial issues concerning Asian Americans, according to a new analysis of a multilingual, nationally representative survey of 7,006 Asian adults conducted from July 5, 2022, to Jan. 27, 2023.

For many Asian Americans, discrimination experiences are not just single events, but instead come in several often-overlapping forms. Overall, the survey showed that most Asian Americans experience discrimination in three broad ways: Those related to being treated as a foreigner (even if they were born in the U.S.); being seen as a model minority; and other discrimination incidents in day-to-day encounters or because of their race or ethnicity.

In sum, the survey asked Asian Americans if they have personally experienced 17 specific discrimination incidents in day-to-day encounters or because of their race or ethnicity. It also asked more broadly if they have ever experienced racial discrimination.

Whether or not immigrants are naturalized U.S. citizens, many still experience being treated as a foreigner. And in some cases, higher shares of citizens than noncitizens say these incidents have happened to them:

Another experience many Asian Americans encounter is being stereotyped as a model minority, no matter their background. This stereotype often does not align with the lived experiences and socioeconomic backgrounds of many Asians in the U.S. Research on the model minority myth has also pointed to its negative impact on attitudes and expectations made of other racial and ethnic groups.10

Despite most Asian Americans saying they have been subjected to stereotypes associated with the idea of being a model minority, fewer than half (44%) say they have heard of the term. The groups who have experienced model minority stereotypes are also more likely to say they are familiar with the term:

In 2021, Pew Research Center conducted 66 focus groups of Asian Americans across 18 different Asian origin groups. In the focus groups, some participants shared their experiences with discrimination that elaborate on our survey findings.

Asian Americans have faced discrimination throughout their history in the United States. In the 1800s, Asians were brought to the U.S. as indentured laborers amid the emancipation of African slaves. While playing integral roles in projects like the Transcontinental Railroad, Asian immigrants faced emerging anti-Asian sentiments and exclusion, with beliefs that Asians were creating unjust labor competition and endangering mainstream American society. Congress passed laws to exclude Asian immigrants including the 1875 Page Law, the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act and the 1917 Asiatic Barred Zone Act, among others.

Beginning in 1942, Japanese Americans were incarcerated during World War II, driven by the belief that they were spies and enemies. Throughout this period, Asians experienced discrimination in the labor market and other areas of life and were treated as foreign people who were not accepted as American.

In the postwar period, immigration patterns changed. The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act abolished quotas and allowed immigration from Asia to increase. The Vietnam War and other conflicts in Southeast Asia brought refugees from the region to the U.S. in higher numbers. And the 1990 Immigration Act raised immigration ceilings and allowed the flow of Asian immigrants in professional occupations to expand.

Global tensions regularly shaped the experiences of the U.S. Asian population. The fear of economic competition with Asian countries in the postwar period contributed to rising resentment toward Asian Americans and resulted in tragedies such as the murder of Vincent Chin. In the aftermath of Sept. 11, Muslims, Sikhs, Arabs and South Asians in the U.S. became targets of racial profiling and hate crimes due to anti-Muslim sentiments. Most recently, the COVID-19 pandemic intensified anti-Asian sentiment, with many Asian Americans facing racist attacks, threats and bias across the country.

Oriental arborvitae is an easily-recognized shrub, with its large teardrop shape and flattened branchlets held vertically. Most young plants are seen as shrubs, but they can be pruned into a small tree by removing the lowest branches. This forms a distinctive vase shape and is common on older landscapes where the plant was located too close to a walk or home.

Oriental arborvitae does not tolerate pruning well since all foliage is toward the outside of the crown, but it is well-suited for use as a barrier, background, or specimen planting in a large landscape where it is properly located so pruning is not needed. Its distinctive appearance does not fit easily into natural or informal landscapes. It is often planted in cemeteries and referred to as Cemetery Plant.

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