I am writing to share two recent pieces that may be of interest to members of this group.
The first is a commentary in the Economic & Political Weekly titled “Leading by Blending: The Political Ecology of Rapid Transition”. The essay examines India’s accelerated E20 ethanol blending programme not only as an energy security or decarbonisation measure, but as a political-ecological project. I focus on how procurement design, assured offtake, and feedstock diversification (sugarcane, maize, surplus rice) reorganise agrarian landscapes, water use, and state–corporate relations. The piece argues that “speed” is being institutionalised through market design and public finance, while ecological burdens and technical liabilities (including those borne by smallholders and consumers) remain unevenly distributed. I also suggest governance correctives—life-cycle accounting, regionally differentiated roll-outs, shared liability frameworks, and stronger agrarian protections.
The second is my essay in the Transnational Institute’s State of Power Report 2026, “Authoritarian Extractivism in India: Land, Energy, and the Making of a Far-Right Development Regime” . The chapter develops the concept of authoritarian extractivism to describe how infrastructure expansion, energy transition projects, conservation enclosures, and urban demolitions are being pursued within a majoritarian political formation. I argue that extractivism and authoritarianism are mutually reinforcing: megaprojects are framed as civilisational or national-security imperatives, dissent is delegitimised, regulatory safeguards are compressed, financial risks are socialised, and corporate actors are juridically insulated. The discussion moves from Gujarat as an early template to national patterns (including renewable energy parks, commons reclassification, and “bulldozer” demolitions), and concludes with case studies of Great Nicobar and Vantara to illustrate how these mechanisms operate in practice.
I would greatly value your thoughts.
Warmly,
Rohith