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While the West has set up the ideal of individualism and is sufferingnow because it no longer has any ethical system to which individualsvoluntarily submit; while for the Indians the social problem consistedin the solving of the question how every man could be enabled to livehis life with as little disturbance as possible from his fellow-men,Confucianism solved the problem of how families with groups of hundredsof members could live together in peace and co-operation in a denselypopulated country. Everyone knew his position in the family and so, in abroader sense, in the state; and this prescribed his rights and duties.We may feel that the rules to which he was subjected were pedantic; butthere was no limit to their effectiveness: they reduced to a minimum thefriction that always occurs when great masses of people live closetogether; they gave Chinese society the strength through which it hasendured; they gave security to its individuals. China's first realsocial crisis after the collapse of feudalism, that is to say, after thefourth or third century B.C., began only in the present centurywith the collapse of the social order of the gentry and the breakdown ofthe family system.
Wang Mang's dynasty lasted only from A.D. 9 to 23; but it wasone of the most stirring periods of Chinese history. It is difficult toevaluate Wang Mang, because all we know about him stems from sourceshostile towards him. Yet we gain the impression that some of hisinnovations, such as the legalization of enthronement through thetransfer of the seal; the changes in the administration of provinces andin the bureaucratic set-up in the capital; and even some of his economicmeasures were so highly regarded that they were retained orre-introduced, although this happened in some instances centuries laterand without mentioning Wang Mang's name. But most of his policies andactions were certainly neither accepted nor acceptable. He made use ofevery conceivable resource in order to secure power to his clique. Asfar as possible he avoided using open force, and resorted to ahigh-level propaganda. Confucianism, the philosophic basis of the powerof the gentry, served him as a bait; he made use of the so-called "oldcharacter school" for his purposes. When, after the holocaust of books,it was desired to collect the ancient classics again, texts were foundunder strange circumstances in the walls of Confucius's house; they werewritten in an archaic script. The people who occupied themselves withthese books were called the old character school. The texts came undersuspicion; most scholars had little belief in their genuineness. WangMang, however, and his creatures energetically supported the cult ofthese ancient writings. The texts were edited and issued, and in theprocess, as can now be seen, certain things were smuggled into them thatfitted in well with Wang Mang's intentions. He even had other textsreissued with falsifications. He now represented himself in all hisactions as a man who did with the utmost precision the things which thebooks reported of rulers or ministers of ancient times. As regent he haddeclared that his model was the brother of the first emperor of the Choudynasty; as emperor he took for his exemplar one of the mythicalemperors of ancient China; of his new laws he claimed that they weresimply revivals of decrees of the golden age. In all this he appealed tothe authority of literature that had been tampered with to suit hisaims. Actually, such laws had never before been customary; either[Pg 94] WangMang completely misinterpreted passages in an ancient text to suit hispurpose, or he had dicta that suited him smuggled into the text. Therecan be no question that Wang Mang and his accomplices began bydeliberately falsifying and deceiving. However, as time went on, heprobably began to believe in his own frauds.
Wu never attempted to conquer the whole of China, but endeavoured toconsolidate its own difficult territory with a view to building up astate on a firm foundation. In general, Wu played mainly a passive partin the incessant struggles between the three kingdoms, though it wasactive in diplomacy. The Wu kingdom entered into relations with a manwho in 232 had gained control of the present South Manchuria and shortlyafterwards assumed the [Pg 112]title of king. This new ruler of "Yen", as hecalled his kingdom, had determined to attack the Wei dynasty, and hoped,by putting pressure on it in association with Wu, to overrun Wei fromnorth and south. Wei answered this plan very effectively by recourse todiplomacy and it began by making Wu believe that Wu had reason to fearan attack from its western neighbour Shu Han. A mission was alsodispatched from Wei to negotiate with Japan. Japan was then emergingfrom its stone age and introducing metals; there were countless smallprincipalities and states, of which the state of Yamato, then ruled by aqueen, was the most powerful. Yamato had certain interests in Korea,where it already ruled a small coastal strip in the east. Wei offeredYamato the prospect of gaining the whole of Korea if it would turnagainst the state of Yen in South Manchuria. Wu, too, had turned toJapan, but the negotiations came to nothing, since Wu, as an ally ofYen, had nothing to offer. The queen of Yamato accordingly sent amission to Wei; she had already decided in favour of that state. ThusWei was able to embark on war against Yen, which it annihilated in 237.This wrecked Wu's diplomatic projects, and no more was heard of anyambitious plans of the kingdom of Wu.
One other event of this time has to be mentioned: the great persecutionof Buddhism in 955, but not only because 30,336 temples and monasterieswere secularized and only some 2,700 with 61,200 monks were left.Although the immediate reason for this action seems to have been thattoo many men entered the monasteries in order to avoid being taken assoldiers, the effect of the law of 955 was that from now on theBuddhists were put under regulations which clarified once and for evertheir position within the framework of a society which had as its aim todefine clearly the status of each individual within each social class.Private persons were no more allowed to erect temples and monasteries.The number of temples per district was legally fixed. A person couldbecome monk only if the head of the family gave its permission. He hadto be over fifteen years of age and had to know by heart at least onehundred pages of texts. The state took over the control of theordinations which could be performed only after a successfulexamination. Each year a list of all monks had to be submitted to the[Pg 208]government in two copies. Monks had to carry six identification cardswith them, one of which was the ordination diploma for which a fee hadto be paid to the government (already since 755). The diploma was, inthe eleventh century, issued by the Bureau of Sacrifices, but the moneywas collected by the Ministry of Agriculture. It can be regarded as apayment in lieu of land tax. The price was in the eleventh century 130strings, which represented the value of a small farm or the value ofsome 17,000 litres of grain. The price of the diploma went up to 220strings in 1101, and the then government sold 30,000 diplomas per yearin order to get still more cash. But as diplomas could be traded, ablack market developed, on which they were sold for as little as twentystrings.
The feeble emperor Wu Tsung died in 1521, after an ineffective reign,without leaving an heir. The clique then in power at court looked amongthe possible pretenders for the one who seemed least likely to doanything, and their choice fell on the fifteen-year-old Shih Tsung, whowas made emperor. The forty-five years of his reign were filled in homeaffairs with intrigues between the cliques at court, with growingdistress in the country, and with revolts on a larger and larger scale.Abroad there were wars with Annam, increasing raids by the Japanese,and, above all, long-continued fighting against the famous Mongol rulerYen-ta, from 1549 onward. At one time Yen-ta reached Peking and laidsiege to it. The emperor, who had no knowledge of affairs, and to whomYen-ta had been represented as a petty bandit, was utterly dismayed andready to do whatever Yen-ta asked; in the end he was dissuaded fromthis, and an agreement was arrived at with Yen-ta for state-controlledmarkets to be set up along the frontier, where the[Pg 265] Mongols coulddispose of their goods against Chinese goods on very favourable terms.After further difficulties lasting many years, a compromise was arrivedat: the Mongols were earning good profits from the markets, and in 1571Yen-ta accepted a Chinese title. On the Chinese side, this Mongol trade,which continued in rather different form in the Manchu epoch, led to theformation of a local merchant class in the frontier province of Shansi,with great experience in credit business; later the first Chinesebankers came almost entirely from this quarter.
It may be objected that these figures are incorrect and exaggerated.Undoubtedly they contain errors. But the first figure (for 1578) of somesixty millions is in close agreement with all other figures of earlytimes; the figure for 1850 seems high, but cannot be far wrong, for evenafter the great T'ai P'ing Rebellion of 1851, which, together with itsafter-effects, costs the lives of countless millions, all statisticiansof today estimate the population of China at more than four hundredmillions. If we enter these data together with the census of 1953 into achart (see p. 273), a fairly smooth curve emerges; the special featuresare that already under the Ming the population was increasing and,secondly, that the high rate of increase in the population began withthe long period of internal peace since about 1700. From that timeonwards, all China's wars were fought at so great a distance from Chinaproper that the population was not directly affected. Moreover, in theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Manchus saw to the maintenanceof the river dykes, so that the worst inundations were prevented. Thusthere were not so many of the floods which had often cost the lives ofmany million people in China; and there were no internal wars, withtheir heavy cost in lives.