Police Arabe

[Enrique Vasquez]

Each of our member countries hosts an INTERPOL National Central Bureau (NCB). This connects their national law enforcement with other countries and with the General Secretariat via our secure global police communications network called I-24/7.

NCBs are at the heart of INTERPOL and how we work. They seek the information needed from other NCBs to help investigate crime or criminals in their own country, and they share criminal data and intelligence to assist another country.

The Arab Police Department is a progressively active police department involved in public service, the prevention of crime, and Community Policing. We are comprised of 28 APOST Certified Officers, meaning they all have completed the Alabama

Peace Officers Standards and Training Commission (APOST) training. We also have 12 non-certified support staff, including Dispatchers, a Jail Warden, Jailers, Secretaries, and an Animal Control Officer.

The Patrol Division is our largest division and these additional units or divisions reflect more specialized training; Crisis Response Unit, Narcotics Suppression Team, Digital Crime Lab, Patrol Division, Investigation Division, Warrant Division, D.A.R.E, School Resource Officers, Animal Control, Motor Carrier Division, Traffic Homicide Division & Administration Division.

The Narcotics Suppression Team and the Digital Crime Lab are staffed and operated by officers from within the Police Department who have received extensive training from Local, State and Federal entities. Both are proactive in their respective duties to combat the use and sell of drugs, and to reduce online and digital criminal activity.

Our Officers and Staff at the Arab Police Department are committed to making the City of Arab and surrounding communities a safer place to live, work, shop, play, start a business, and raise a family. We require completion of the very best Officer training, and we work tirelessly to provide the best service and protection possible for our citizens.

The City of Arab has a mission to foster and sustain a living environment that cultivates progressive awareness and the acceptance of diverse cultural differences, while maintaining a wholesome family atmosphere.

Mohamed was in a coma in the hospital and was unaware of all the protests triggered by his self-immolation. By the time he died from his burns two-and-a-half weeks later, on January 4, several dozen protesters had been arrested, particularly younger protesters who had stayed out all night, confronting the police. Fearing that he, too, would be arrested, Ali had been in hiding, moving between the homes of friends and acquaintances at night. But on January 10, he was captured, along with his cousin, Lasaad.

Over the past 10 years, Ali has been involved in organising an annual festival in Sidi Bouzid commemorating the events of December 17, 2010. Despite the pandemic, a small event is taking place today as well.

You will also be requested to provide a police certificate to Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC) if you declared a criminal record on your application for an electronic travel authorization, work permit or study permit.

A popular uprising by Palestinian Arabs in Mandatory Palestine against the British administration of the Palestine Mandate, later known as The Great Revolt (Arabic: al-Thawra al- Kubra)[10] or The Great Palestinian Revolt (Thawrat Filastin al-Kubra),[11] or the Palestinian Revolution, lasted from 1936 until 1939. The movement sought independence from British colonial rule and the end of the British authorities' support for Zionism, which sought the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine by means of mass migration and displacement of the local Arab population.

The uprising occurred during a peak in the influx of European Jewish immigrants,[12] and with the growing plight of the rural fellahin rendered landless, who as they moved to metropolitan centers to escape their abject poverty found themselves socially marginalized.[13][a] Since the Battle of Tel Hai in 1920, Jews and Arabs had been involved in a cycle of attacks and counter-attacks, and the immediate spark for the uprising was the murder of two Jews by a Qassamite band, and the retaliatory killing by Jewish gunmen of two Arab laborers, incidents which triggered a flare-up of violence across Palestine.[15] A month into the disturbances, Amin al-Husseini, president of the Arab Higher Committee and Mufti of Jerusalem, declared 16 May 1936 as 'Palestine Day' and called for a general strike. David Ben-Gurion, leader of the Yishuv, described Arab causes as fear of growing Jewish economic power, opposition to mass Jewish immigration and fear of the British identification with Zionism.[16]

According to official British figures covering the whole revolt, the army and police killed more than 2,000 Arabs in combat, 108 were hanged,[8] and 961 died because of what they described as "gang and terrorist activities".[25] In an analysis of the British statistics, Walid Khalidi estimates 19,792 casualties for the Arabs, with 5,032 dead:[b] 3,832 killed by the British and 1,200 dead due to intracommunal terrorism, and 14,760 wounded.[25] By one estimate, ten percent of the adult male Palestinian Arab population between 20 and 60 was killed, wounded, imprisoned or exiled.[27] Estimates of the number of Palestinian Jews killed are up to several hundred.[28]

The Arab revolt in Mandatory Palestine was unsuccessful, and its consequences affected the outcome of the 1948 Palestine war.[29] It caused the British Mandate to give crucial support to pre-state Zionist militias like the Haganah, whereas on the Palestinian Arab side, the revolt forced the flight into exile of the main Palestinian Arab leader of the period, al-Husseini.

World War I left Palestine, especially the countryside, deeply impoverished.[30] The Ottoman and then the Mandate authorities levied high taxes on farming and agricultural produce and during the 1920s and 1930s this together with a fall in prices, cheap imports, natural disasters and paltry harvests all contributed to the increasing indebtedness of the fellahin.[31] The rents paid by tenant fellah increased sharply, owing to increased population density, and growing transfer of land from Arabs to the Jewish settlement agencies, such as the Jewish National Fund, increased the number of fellahin evicted while also removing the land as a future source of livelihood.[32] By 1931 the 106,400 dunums of low-lying Category A farming land in Arab possession supported a farming population of 590,000 whereas the 102,000 dunums of such land in Jewish possession supported a farming population of only 50,000.[33] The late 1920s witnessed poor harvests, and the consequent immiseration grew even harsher with the onset of the Great Depression and the collapse of commodity prices.[12] The Shaw Commission in 1930 had identified the existence of a class of 'embittered landless people' as a contributory factor to the preceding 1929 disturbances,[34] and the problem of these 'landless' Arabs grew particularly grave after 1931, causing High Commissioner Wauchope to warn that this 'social peril ... would serve as a focus of discontent and might even result in serious disorders.'[34]Economic factors played a major role in the outbreak of the Arab revolt.[13] Palestine's fellahin, the country's peasant farmers, made up over two-thirds of the indigenous Arab population and from the 1920s onwards they were pushed off the land in increasingly large numbers into urban environments where they often encountered only poverty and social marginalisation.[13] Many were crowded into shanty towns in Jaffa and Haifa where some found succour and encouragement in the teachings of the charismatic preacher Izz ad-Din al-Qassam who worked among the poor in Haifa.[13] The revolt was thus a popular uprising that produced its own leaders and developed into a national revolt.[13]

Although the Mandatory government introduced measures to limit the transfer of land from Arabs to Jews, these were easily circumvented by willing buyers and sellers.[34] The failure of the authorities to invest in economic growth and healthcare for the general Palestinian public and the Zionist policy of ensuring that their investments were directed only to facilitate expansion exclusively of the Yishuv further compounded matters.[35] The government did, however, set the minimum wage for Arab workers below that for Jewish workers, which meant that those making capital investments in the Yishuv's economic infrastructure, such as Haifa's electricity plant, the Shemen oil and soap factory, the Grands Moulins flour mills and the Nesher cement factory, could take advantage of cheap Arab labour pouring in from the countryside.[13] After 1935 the slump in the construction boom and further concentration by the Yishuv on an exclusivist Hebrew labour programme removed most of the sources of employment for rural migrants.[36] By 1935 only 12,000 Arabs (5% of the workforce) worked in the Jewish sector, half of these in agriculture, whereas 32,000 worked for the Mandate authorities and 211,000 were either self-employed or worked for Arab employers.[37]

The advent of Zionism and British colonial administration crystallised Palestinian nationalism and the desire to defend indigenous traditions and institutions.[41] Palestinian society was largely clan-based (hamula), with an urban land-holding elite lacking a centralised leadership.[41] Traditional feasts such as Nebi Musa began to acquire a political and nationalist dimension and new national memorial days were introduced or gained new significance; among them Balfour Day (2 November, marking the Balfour Declaration of 1917), the anniversary of the Battle of Hattin (4 July), and beginning in 1930, 16 May was celebrated as Palestine Day.[42] The expansion of education, the development of civil society and of transportation, communications, and especially of broadcasting and other media, all facilitated notable changes.[43] The Yishuv itself, at the same time, was steadily building the structures for its own state-building with public organisations like the Jewish Agency and the covert creation and consolidation of a paramilitary arm with the Haganah and Irgun.[44]

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