Goebbels Cloned to invoke Fascism.Big Boost to global Weapon Economy, Mass Destruction Agenda of Colonisation,and India Inc`s Nuke Ambition with NSG Waiver

[Palash]

Goebbels Cloned to invoke Fascism.Big Boost to global Weapon Economy,
Mass Destruction Agenda of Colonisation,and India Inc`s Nuke Ambition
with NSG Waiver

Troubled Galaxy Destroyed Dreams: Chapter 60

Palash Biswas

http://troubledgalaxydetroyeddreams.blogspot.com/


Goebbels cloned to invoke Fascism once again!

We hear the voices of the Goebbels only these days!

Goebbels Cloned to invoke Fascism.Big Boost to global Weapon Economy,
Mass Destruction Agenda of Colonisation,and India Inc`s Nuke Ambition
with NSG Waiver!
Joseph Goebbels
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Doctor Paul Joseph Goebbels (German pronunciation: IPA: [ˈɡœbəls];
English generally IPA: /ˈɡɝbəlz/ (October 29, 1897 – May 1, 1945) was
a German politician and Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and
Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He was one of German
dictator Adolf Hitler's closest associates and most devout followers.
Goebbels was known for his zealous, energetic oratory, and venomous
anti-Semitism; he is held responsible for Kristallnacht by many
historians.

Goebbels earned a Ph.D. in Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his
doctoral thesis on 18th century romantic drama; he then went on to
work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock
exchange. He also wrote novels and plays, but they were refused by
publishers. Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923
during the French occupation of the Ruhr and became a member in 1924.
He was appointed Gauleiter (regional party leader) of Berlin. In this
position, he put his propaganda skills to full use, combatting the
local socialist and communist parties with the help of Nazi papers and
the paramilitary SA. By 1928 he had risen in the party ranks to become
one of its most prominent members.

After the Nazis rose to power in 1933, he was appointed propaganda
minister. One of his first acts was to order the burning of books by
Jewish or anti-Nazi authors at Bebelplatz and he proceeded to gain
full control of every outlet of information in Germany. Following his
appointment, his attacks on German Jews became ever fiercer and
culminated in the Kristallnacht in 1938, the first open and
unrestrained pogrom unleashed by the Nazis.

An early and avid supporter of war, Goebbels did everything in his
power to prepare the German people for a large scale military
conflict. During World War II, he increased his power and influence
through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the
tide of the war was turning against the Axis powers, but this only
spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to
accept the idea of total war and mobilization. Goebbels remained with
Hitler in Berlin to the very end, and following the Führer's suicide
he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich's Chancellor —
albeit for one day. In his final hours, it is suggested Goebbels
allowed his wife, Magda, to kill their six young children. Shortly
after, Goebbels and his wife both committed suicide.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joseph_Goebbels




21st Century Socialism Global finance and the 'New Cold War'
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Democrats in united states of America are planning to opt for
Unconventional Energy Nation Wide while India chooses the Nuclear
option in a divided geopolitics bleeding since partition where three
fourth of the population suffer from intense food Insecurity!
It was, of , course a black day of Indian History yesterday which
United the Left and the Right!

Super power Phenomenon is all about the enlightenment, awakening,
participation, sharing, representation, autonomy, identity,
empowerment of the citizens of a Nation. China got the status. USSR
lost the position. America holds it due to the internal spirit and
strength, democracy within, uncompromising civil war and infinite
resistance to ensure Equality, Justice and Freedom amongst all
citizens of USA. No one dare to touch a US citizen. Every voice is
listened whatsoever. Thus, Barrack Obama has the date with History
having Martin Luther King`s dream deep in his Heart.

Where do we stand my friends?

Bloggers and netizens are generally joyful over the Nuclear Supplier
Group’s (NSG) stamp of approval on the Indo-US nuclear deal though the
odd skeptical voice too can be heard!

Our comradore Ruling Class and a Super slave government of India has
done everything possible by passing the Parliament, the People and the
Constitution to surrender national Freedom and Sovereignty. But our
Media posted crying headings focusing the victory in Vienna! We are
celebrating the festival of Death, Inflation, Starvation, Food
Insecurity, Unemployment, epidemics, Illiteracy, Human and Civil
Rights violations, War, Civil War, Instability,Insurgency, Terror,
Extremism, Subversion, Poverty, Deprivement, Discrimination,
Injustice, Inequality Communalism, Repression, Tortures, Corruption,
Kick Backs, Swiss Bank Accounts,Crimes, Bonded Labour, Human Traffic
Natural and Man Made Hazards, Calamities,ethnic
Cleansing ,Displacement and Enslavement!

American Mulford and Italian Sonia reining in New Delhi decided the
Destiny of Indian nation without any resistance whatsoever! It is, of
course, the strongest leadership unprecedented to serve US interests
in entire third world! We must congratulate the Prime Minister Dr
Manmohan Singh, De facto Prime Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Kakodkar and
Menon!

President George Bush has accomplished an unique republican task to
bail out US Zionist White War and Weapon Economy struck by Sub Prime
Crisis and Recession. Americanism has new definition with the
Strategic Realliance of Hindutva Zionist White forces worldwide to
fulfill the tasks of Post Modern Galaxy order of Manusmriti and
apartheid. American presidents in future have to comply with Bush
doctrine and principles despite his dismal records in Middle East.
Bush has won the Star Wars as President Ronald Reagan conceived! He
has made United States the destiny of south Asia!


Indigenous Communities worldwide, the Black as well as the Untouchable
have to feel the Heat, I am afraid of!

I am afraid of that our Black Democratic Presidential Candidate may
not wish to have a Cake Walk to the Oval Office in White House!

The Victory in Vienna also heralds a new Era of Nuclear Arms Race.
Instable Pakistan has Nuclear Power. United states, the European
Community, China and Russia have to use the Nuke deal to launch their
Nuclear Weapon Market in South Asia where the War Zone is already
transferred from Middle East and Hindutva has put Kashmir on boil to
protect US interests!

India`s Political Will is perhaps not sufficient to ease the tension
across the fence!

See!

The Chinese government on Saturday not only nearly toppled India's
Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) bid in Vienna, but went a step further
by advocating a similar nuclear deal for Pakistan.

China made the case for Pakistan in a veiled statement, saying it
hoped the NSG would 'equally address the aspirations of all parties.'
A number of analysts have taken the phrase 'of all parties' to mean a
reference to its ally Pakistan.

Chinese Foreign Minister, Cheng Jingye, head of Chinese delegation
scheduled to visit on Sunday said, "It is also China's hope that the
NSG would equally address the aspirations of all parties for the
peaceful use of nuclear power while adhering to the nuclear non-
proliferation mechanism."

India and the US are elated that their nuclear deal has received
endorsement from the NSG but New Delhi is taking up with the Bush
Administration the State Department's controversial letter to US
Congress which stated that it would be denied fuel supplies if it
conducted a nuclear test, highly placed sources said.
The 26-page letter, released in Washington on the eve of the crucial
NSG meeting in Vienna, created a furore in India and led to
complications in deliberations of the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers
Group (NSG) which, however, subsequently granted the coveted waiver to
New Delhi.

Super slave, the planted Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan has a super Honey
Moon time of his life!He is demonised to suprcede everyone in Congress
and is tipped off Winner in the Next lok sabha elections. He has got
the certificate of George Bush! Neither Left nor Right has got any
equation to defeat Dr Manmohan.

India has a long Shopping List for Inter national Weapon Market!
India Incs, Media and Mafia, Resurgent Middle Class and forces of
Hindutva back him! He has got the services of Goebells!

With the India-US nuclear deal inching close to fruition, Defence
Minister AK Antony Sunday embarked on a four-day visit to the US to
enhance military ties. Antony will meet US Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and Secretary of Defence Robert M Gates during the
Sep 7-10 trip.


On the other hand,Armed with the India-specific waiver from the
Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is now
ready to face the world. Later this month, he will go on a 10-day
visit that will take him to the US and France and give him a chance to
meet and thank US President George W Bush, who made it all happen.

The two leaders spoke over telephone Saturday shortly after the 45-
member NSG announced its decision in Vienna to award the waiver to
India, ending the country's over three-decade long nuclear isolation
and opening the doors for commerce with the nuclear cartel.

The time is "very short" for the approval of the Indo-US nuclear deal
in the Congressional session beginning shortly, Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice said while hailing the grant of the NSG waiver to
India.

The first thing "is that we still have a little more to do on the
determinations for the Hyde Act, and we will try to complete that...,"
Rice said in a Roundtable with the Travelling Press in Algiers, the
capital of Algeria.

"I have already talked before this NSG, several weeks before, to
relevant committee chairs about trying to get it done, and I will have
those conversations again, most likely on Monday or Tuesday, as well
as trying to see whether the leadership believes that this can go
forward."

Rice, however said, "...we understand that the time is very short. We
knew that in the summer, when the Indians were able finally to move
this forward in their domestic process.

But I think we have demonstrated the commitment of the administration
to this agreement, because we have worked this with the very, very
strong help of partners through the IAEA and through the NSG in very
rapid order."

"I don't think most people thought that we were going to be able to
get this through the NSG this weekend," she said, according to a
transcript released here.

The prime minister will leave New Delhi Sep 22 for New York where he
is scheduled to deliver a speech at the UN General Assembly Sep 26. On
his way, he will make a "technical" halt and stay overnight at
Frankfurt.

On Sep 25, he will attend a meeting on The Achievements of the
Millennium Development Goals that British Prime Minister Gordon Brown
will chair. India and some select countries have been invited to
attend.

Later in the day, he is likely to travel to Washington to meet Bush
and discuss how the two countries can now work together to bring the
India-US nuclear deal to fruition.

It is not clear whether he will have time to meet other US leaders,
particularly the two presidential candidates, Barack Obama and John
McCain.

Indian officials involved in the planning said loose ends were being
tightened and the prime minister's programme was yet to be finalised.

"But a meeting between the prime minister and President Bush is very
much on the cards," an official said.

Depending on the two leaders' schedules, they may meet in New York.

On the sidelines of Manmohan Singh's speech at the General Assembly, a
number of bilateral meetings are being planned with key world leaders
- many of them from countries that had played a key role in Vienna to
get the consensus in the NSG for the Indian waiver.

Manmohan Singh will leave New York for Marseilles in France Sep 28 to
attend the India-European Union Summit scheduled there for the next
day.

A day later the prime minister will go to Paris for a meeting with
French President Nicolas Sarkozy and senior members of his
government.

One of the areas of discussions between the Indian and French
officials will be nuclear cooperation.

France is a major supplier of nuclear reactors and technologies. For
several years it has shown keenness for nuclear commerce with India
but the absence of a waiver from the NSG had acted as a roadblock.

Now that India has the NSG waiver, France will be keen to start
nuclear business with New Delhi.

However, with the US Congress yet to clear the nuclear deal allowing
American companies to enter into nuclear trade with New Delhi, it is
not clear if the Manmohan Singh government will formalise any
arrangements with France.

The prime minister is scheduled to return to New Delhi Oct 2.

Antony is travelling to the US at the invitation of Gates, who visited
India in February.

“The minister is scheduled to hold meetings with Gates on important
bilateral issues relating to defence. He will also meet National
Security Adviser Stephen Hadley and Rice,” a defence ministry official
said.

Sources in the ministry have not ruled out a chance meeting with US
President George W Bush.

The Indian delegation also includes Defence Secretary Vijay Singh and
three senior officers from the army, navy and air force. Antony last
visited the US in June 2005 but he did not hold the defence portfolio
then.

“The discussions are expected to include the regional security
scenario and matters of mutual concern,” the official said.

Antony will also visit the Arlington National Cemetery and lay a
wreath at the tomb of the Unknown Soldier and the Air Force Memorial.

India-US defence ties have proliferated in recent years. The two
countries have held around 50 war games in seven years to build
'interoperability'.

By contrast, the combined figure for India's military exercises with
Russia, France and the Britain is not even a third of that. The latest
addition to the list of war games is the prestigious Red Flag Exercise
under which the Indian Air Force took part with the US and three other
countries.

Antony's visit starts a day after the 45-nation Nuclear Suppliers'
Group (NSG) took a historic decision to lift a global ban on nuclear
trade with India, ending 34 years of New Delhi's isolation and setting
the stage for sealing its landmark nuclear deal with the US.

Besides, three important India-US pacts are close to be
finalised.Under one of them, the Logistics Support Agreement (LSA),
the Indian and US militaries can refuel ships and aircraft in cashless
transactions that are balanced at the end of the year.

Apart from the LSA, the other pacts are the Communication Inter-
operability and Security Memorandum of Agreement (CISMOA) that will
enable the two militaries communicate on a common platform, and an end-
user agreement governing the sale of US military hardware to India.

These pacts have been on the backburner for long due to the objections
of the Left parties. With the Communists withdrawing their outside
support to the government, the way is now clear for inking the
agreements, a defence ministry official said.

BJP and Left parties seized on the letter and accused the Government
of hiding "facts" and demanded an urgent session of Parliament to
discuss the issue.

In the controversial disclosures before the NSG meeting, the US had
made it clear that it would stop fuel supplies and other nuclear
cooperation if India conducted a nuclear test.

The US position in the letter appeared at variance with New Delhi's
interpretation of some key clauses of the Indo-US nuclear deal.

The letter contained ‘certain’ issues which India will take up with
the US, the sources said, adding New Delhi has made it clear where it
stands.

They said the 123 Agreement with the US is awaiting signature and now
that the NSG waiver is through "we will go through the signature
procedure."

Meanwhile,BJP president Rajnath Singh alleged the UPA government has
lost its moral right to continue in office after giving up the
country's right to conduct future nuclear tests and power to develop
minimum nuclear deterrence.
"India has lost the power to develop minimum nuclear deterrence after
giving up its right to conduct nuclear tests. Hence there is no point
in the government continuing in power," Singh said. He said Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh had promised the Parliament that India will
not give up its right to conduct nuclear tests.

Expressing regret at the government refusal to set at rest questions
raised by the BJP, Singh said, "Our MPs had raised certain
apprehensions in Parliament but these were not answered. We have
demanded convening of a special session of Parliament and the
government should clear these apprehensions then.”

BJP spokesperson Prakash Javadekar said the nuclear deal did not
recognise India as a nuclear weapon state. "The conditionalities are
not severe and stringent for nuclear weapon states," he said.

The government, contrarily, welcomed a decision by nuclear supplier
nations to end the decades-old ban on trading with the country, saying
it would propel India's future economic growth.

The government called the nuclear trade waiver a "momentous" milestone
in its quest to achieve energy security and meet the challenge of
global warming. The statement came after the United States won
approval in Vienna on Saturday for the one-off waiver for India by the
Nuclear Suppliers Group, which controls the export and sale of nuclear
technology.

The waiver - a vital step in securing a controversial 2005 India-US
civilian technology nuclear accord - marked the end of India's
"decades-long isolation from the nuclear mainstream," Premier Manmohan
Singh said. "The opening of full civil nuclear cooperation between
India and the international community will be good for India and for
the world," he said.

"It will give an impetus to India's pursuit of environmentally
sustainable economic growth." For global nuclear energy companies, the
decision opens the door to an atomic reactor market worth billions of
dollars, with India aiming to boost its share of nuclear power to five
to seven percent by 2030.

The Confederation of Indian Industry forecast business opportunities
worth around 30 billion dollars over the next 15 years and said India
would need about 18 to 20 more nuclear reactors. It now has 22
reactors.

"The development is a major confidence-building move for the
international community to engage with India especially in high
technology trade," said the group's director general Chandrajit
Banerjee. A host of nuclear companies from French state-controlled
Areva, Russia's Rosatom Corp to General Electric of the United States
have been jockeying for a slice of India's lucrative atomic market.

India, where many areas endure power blackouts, has been denied access
to civilian nuclear technology since it tested a nuclear weapon in
1974 and refused to sign the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. The
Nuclear Suppliers Group was founded to stop other countries emulating
India's example in using imported technology to make an atomic bomb.

The oil-import dependent nation is seeking to broaden its fuel sources
to sustain its fast-growing economy.
"This decision enables India to look at nuclear energy in a far more
focused manner," strategic analyst Uday Bhaskar said.

The world's biggest carbon dioxide emitter for decades has been the
United States. But emissions have also rapidly grown in the developing
world -- and India is now among the top five emitters. "India and
China are the swing states on global warming and encouraging them to
look at clean nuclear energy can only have a positive impact for
global warming," Bhaskar said.

The landmark deal has stirred huge controversy in India. Both the main
opposition Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party and the communists
slammed the deal, saying it would curb India's military options and
bring the country's foreign policy too much under US influence.

"India has walked into the non-proliferation trap set by the US,"
senior BJP leader Yashwant Sinha said. But Indian newspapers broadly
welcomed the deal, and hailed Singh for his dogged negotiating
skills.

The agreement was one of the key foreign policy initiatives of US
President George W. Bush as well as of Singh, whose Congress party
faces general elections by May 2009. Washington was anxious to get the
deal through so the US Congress could ratify it before adjourning at
the end of September for the November presidential elections.

Chidanand Rajghatta has rightly pointed out in Economic times:

WASHINGTON: The decline of US power and the fading days of President
Bush have been subject of drawing room chatter in strategic circles
for months now, but on Saturday, both Washington and the American
president showed that when push comes to shove, they can still pack
plenty of punch.

Washington drew on all its diplomatic heft and strategic weight to
muscle the US-India Civilian Nuclear Agreement through the 45-member
Nuclear Suppliers Group, where even one dissenting member could have
derailed the agreement. And dissenters there were plenty.

There were half-dozen countries of the 'green brigade' - ranging from
Norway to New Zealand, whose domestic concerns and constituencies
forced them to at least take a public stance against the deal. Ditto
Austria. Then there was China, wary of the growing US-India equation
and New Delhi own modest progress in the region.

But one by one, the opposition was whittled down. Current and former
Indian and US officials who spoke to The Times of India on background
described dozens of phone calls "at the highest levels" on Thursday
and Friday night to various principals across the world to get the
deal through. Among them were calls to Chinese president Hu Jintao and
leaders of Ireland, Austria, and New Zealand.

"At the highest levels," is a euphemism for President Bush, whose
single-minded pursuit of this deal was largely instrumental in getting
it through in the waning days of his second term. Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice too pulled her weight, making calls from her Trans-
Atlantic that took her to Portugal on Thursday and a historic, path-
breaking visit to Libya on Friday. "There wasn't a moment when anyone
in Washington took its eyes of the ball," one official said, rebutting
earlier questions about the lack of a sense of urgency or purpose in
Washington.

One former official said New Zealand was about the hardest nut to
crack, given its hard-line anti-nuclear constituency and green
politics (eight members of the Green Party in a House of 120 support
the current government which had to be sensitive to their sentiments.)
It required all the persuasive powers of the US to get the Kiwis to
fall in line. In none of these dissenting countries did India have any
significant leverage.
"No other country could have pulled this off," a key Indian official
involved in the deliberations acknowledged. "At the end of the day,
the US still carries more diplomatic weight than any other country."
Although Russia, Britain, and France enthusiastically supported the
deal, they let Washington do all the heavy lifting.
Not that Uncle Sam was delicate in the pursuit of its objective. In
fact, the word out of Vienna is that US strong-arm tactics left plenty
of bruised feelings. "For the first time in my experience of
international diplomatic negotiations, a consensus decision was
followed by complete silence in the room. No clapping, nothing," one
European diplomat complained to Reuters. "It showed a lot of us felt
pressured to some extent into a decision by the Americans and few were
totally satisfied."
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Max_Americana_US_shows_the_way_at_NSG/articleshow/3454723.cms
Obama, McCain campaign on economy
7 Sep, 2008, 0605 hrs IST, AGENCIES
WASHINGTON: Democrat presidential nominee Barack Obama ridiculed
Republican rival John McCain and his running mate Saturday for
claiming they would bring about the changes needed to get the country
back on the right track.
Obama's comments came as both campaigns scrambled to react to the
implications for taxpayers and the economy of a historic government
takeover of mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, which could
come as soon as this weekend.
A day earlier the government reported that the U.S. jobless rate hit a
surprising 6.1 percent in August.
The latest economic setbacks only underscored how large a factor the
troubled U.S. economy has become in the presidential campaign, mostly
eclipsing the Iraq war as voters worry about losing their jobs, homes
and health insurance coverage.
Speaking to 800 people in a barn at a Terre Haute, Indiana,
fairgrounds, Obama said people should not believe the claims by McCain
and his vice presidential pick, Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin, that they
were the agents of change ready to shake up business as usual.
``Don't be fooled,'' Obama said of the campaign's comments at the
Republican National Convention last week. ``John McCain's party, with
the help of John McCain, has been in charge'' for nearly eight years.
Obama and McCain said they were both briefed by Treasury Secretary
Henry Paulson on the mortgage crisis and the Bush administration's
steps toward a government takeover of the two financial companies
which together hold or back half of U.S. mortgage debt.
News of the likely government takeover Friday followed a report by the
Mortgage Bankers Association that more than 4 million American
homeowners with a mortgage, a record 9 percent, were either behind on
their payments or in foreclosure at the end of June.
``Any action we take must be focused not on the whims of lobbyists and
special interests worried about their bonuses and hourly fees, but on
whether it will strengthen our economy and help struggling
homeowners,'' Obama told reporters after a campaign stop in Indiana.
He stopped short of making detailed proposals, saying ``we need to
carefully address'' the possible impact on community and regional
banks.
A government bailout could cost taxpayers around $25 billion,
according to the Congressional Budget Office.
McCain and Palin addressed the crisis briefly at a rally in Colorado
Springs, Colorado.
McCain cited the problems at Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac as another
example of the nation's economic woes. ``Today, we're looking at a
federal bailout of our home loan agencies,'' he said.
At the same rally, Palin said the two financial companies have
``gotten too big and too expensive to the taxpayers.''
``The McCain-Palin administration will make them smaller and smarter
and more effective for homeowners who need help,'' said Palin, who is
seeking to become the first female vice president. She did not
elaborate.
McCain said in an interview for CBS television's ``Face The Nation''
to be aired Sunday that the mortgage giants need to be restructured,
saying they are ``the classic example of why we need change in
Washington'' and reflect ``the kind of cronyism, corruption, that's
made people so justifiably angry.''
McCain and Palin attracted thousands to the rally in Colorado Springs,
a city that is home to many Christian conservatives and military
families. They were to head later to New Mexico, trying to blunt Obama
from making gains in Western states that went Republican in the 2004
election.
In the short time since McCain spirited the little known 44-year-old
first-term governor out of Alaska and onto a national stage as his
running mate, Palin has become an instant celebrity who has energized
the party's conservative base. At the Colorado rally thousands of
supporters changed ``Sa-rah! Pa-lin!'' before McCain took the stage
with her.
The McCain campaign was planning to keep Palin with McCain for several
more days, rather than dispatch her to campaign by herself, keeping
her out of the reach of reporters who might subject her to tough
questions about her record in Alaska, including an ongoing ethics
investigation into her firing of the state's public safety
commissioner.
At the convention, McCain, who has served 22 years in the Senate,
tried to frame himself as a political outsider and maverick, borrowing
the same message of change that Obama has made the centerpiece of his
run for the White House.
McCain had to walk a delicate line, distinguishing himself from the
unpopular presidency of George W. Bush, while not alienating the
party's conservative base, which remains loyal to the president and
has been skeptical of McCain.
On Saturday, he pledged to appoint Democrats to his Cabinet, part of
his promise to try to end partisan ``rancor.''
``I don't know how many, but I can tell you, with all due respect to
previous administrations, it is not going to be a single ... 'Well we
have a Democrat now.' It's going to be the best people in America,''
he told ``Face the Nation.''
At the Indiana rally, Obama delivered some of his most withering
criticisms yet of McCain, although he did so with chuckles and an air
of mock disbelief. McCain has acknowledged voting with Bush 90 percent
of the time in Congress, Obama said.
``And suddenly he's the change agent? Ha,'' he said. ``I mean, come
on, they must think you're stupid,'' Obama said as the crowd laughed.
Indiana, which neighbors Obama's home state of Illinois, has voted
Republican in recent presidential elections, but polls show Obama
running neck-and-neck with McCain there.
Obama, who would be the first black U.S. president, noted that despite
McCain's promise to reduce the partisan rancor in Washington, the
speakers at this week's Republican convention frequently targeted his
character.
His running mate, Sen. Joe Biden of Delaware, was trying to help Obama
win over white working class voters in pivotal states like Ohio and
Pennsylvania which could decide the election.
Both campaigns did agree to put aside partisan politics on Thursday to
mark the seventh anniversary of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks that
killed nearly 3,000 people. They announced that they would make a
joint appearance at ground zero in New York and suspend television
advertising critical of each other for the day.
N-Deal: India Inc sees $40 bn foreign investment
6 Sep, 2008, 1820 hrs IST, IANS

NEW DELHI: As many as 400 Indian and foreign firms are seen as the
beneficiaries of the far-reaching verdict in Vienna on Saturday where
the 45-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) decided to resume civilian
nuclear commerce with India.
India's apex industry bodies, which have hailed the decision, also
feel that the country can now attract over $40 billion in foreign
investment over the next 10-15 years as the result of private sector
entry into India's nuclear power generation.
"The go-ahead to the nuclear deal will signal the building of scores
of nuclear plants in India on assured fuel supply," said Amit Mitra,
the secretary general of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce
and Industry (Ficci).
"This will trigger the participation of 200 firms with capabilities to
operate, and maintain nuclear plants, but put on the Entities List by
the US in 2005 for perceived possession of technologies for nuclear
plants or dual-use technology."
That list has since been pruned to about four, giving the 200-odd
companies full play in nuclear power production.
"We expect another 200 medium and small firms to get into the act as
ancillary producers to the big companies, thereby giving a new
direction to efficient and cheaper power production in the country,"
Mitra added.
The NSG's decision to grant India a clean waiver from its existing
rules, which forbid nuclear commerce with any country, which has not
signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), came at its meeting
in Vienna on Saturday afternoon.
The historic moment, which will end more than three decades of nuclear
isolation for India, came after three days of intense diplomacy by the
US and India in the nuclear cartel that controls the global flow of
nuclear fuel and technologies.
"Today's development is a major confidence-building move for the
international community to engage with India especially in high
technology trade," said Chandrajit Banerjee, director general of the
Confederation of Indian Industry (CII).
"It will provide opportunity for Indian manufacturers to supply spares
and components to the global manufacturers of nuclear power plants
besides providing business opportunities for Indian power plant
construction companies."
The Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry (Assocham) that had
conducted a survey among 300 chief executives recently also says that
400 firms, domestic and international, may get a chance to build
nuclear power plants.
An overwhelming 85 percent of the 300 chief executives polled held the
view that modifications to India's Atomic Energy Act of 1962 could
help the country to generate some 20,000 MWe (unit of nuclear power)
by 2020.
The modification, which the chamber suggested should be immediate by
way of a presidential notification, is necessary to facilitate the
entry of the private sector in nuclear power generation. The act and
the decades of India's nuclear isolation had resulted in capping the
country's nuclear power generation capacities to an extent of just
3,900 MWe in over 60 years of independence.
As a result, out of a total installed generation capacity of about
145,000 MW of electricity, 70 is accounted for through thermal fuel
and 20 percent by hydro, with nuclear energy contributing to just two
percent. The remaining capacities come by tapping the various sources
of non-conventional energy such as solar, wind, biomass and tidal
waves.
Following the NSG waiver, the India-US nuclear deal will head for the
US Congress, which meets Sep 8 to discuss and approve the 123 India-US
bilateral pact to seal the negotiations that were started more than
three years ago.
The two countries are expected to formally sign the bilateral
agreement when Prime Minister Manmohan Singh goes to Washington
towards the end of September, eventually restoring nuclear trade with
the US after a gap of 34 years. The US and the rest of the world
imposed economic sanctions when India first conducted its nuclear test
in 1974.
Subprime crisis may aid reinsurer prices: Munich Re
7 Sep, 2008, 1814 hrs IST, REUTERS
MONACO: Reinsurance companies may benefit indirectly from the downturn
in capital markets that has hit investment income in the sector
because it may prevent them from lowering prices for the risk cover
they provide to insurers, Munich Re said on Sunday.
The world's biggest reinsurer said the drop in investment income this
year due to fallout from the subprime crisis has caused profit
shortfalls and dented equity capital in the insurance industry. "This
will have a positive impact on the cycle and accelerate a turnaround
in the trend," it said in a statement.
Reinsurance players from around the world are gathering in Monte Carlo
this weekend to kick off crucial pricing discussions with their
insurance clients, wondering if the trend toward too much reinsurance
supply and growing competition will continue to push down reinsurance
prices. Munich Re promised it would not indulge in price-cutting and
would only accept risks if prices and conditions were right.
"Munich Re will maintain its underwriting discipline in every phase of
the cycle," board member Torsten Jeworrek said. But analysts have
warned the constraint from subprime-related writedowns probably would
be limited and that reinsurance prices were still likely to fall 4-5
per cent in the coming negotiations with insurers, only slightly less
than the 6-7 per cent expected without the financial market impact.
Profits at the top five reinsurers fell nearly 40 per cent in the
first half of the year, while the capital base of the global
reinsurance industry looks set to shrink for the first time in five
years, Munich Re said. Cheap refinancing using equity capital is
difficult given currently shaky capital markets, which is helping to
make reinsurance look more attractive as an alternative form of
financing for insurance companies, particularly in growth markets, it
added.
Global claims costs from business interruption, natural disasters and
personal injuries are soaring, underscoring the need to obtain
appropriate prices for underwriting insurance risks, the company said.
Concerns about reinsurer's exposure to investment writedowns, the
downtrend in reinsurance prices and the prospect of huge payouts due
to an active hurricane season have kept reinsurers' shares under
pressure this year.
Munich Re has fallen by 23 per cent so far this year, while No 2
reinsurer Swiss Re has dropped by nearly a fifth and Hannover Re is
down by 12 per cent. The DJ Stoxx index of European insurance shares
has fallen by a fourth so far this year.

Victory in Vienna, worry in Bengal
- Historic compromise India can live with
K.P. NAYAR

President George W. Bush, who played a decisive role in getting the
nuclear deal past the NSG, on the South Lawn of the White House on
Saturday. (AFP)
Washington, Sept. 6: The historic compromise exempting India from the
rules of the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) that was created to counter
the first nuclear test in Pokhran 34 years ago requires an immediate
meeting of the 45-nation group if India tests another atomic bomb.
It is a compromise India can live with because unless there are
exceptional circumstances, such an emergency meeting will be paralysed
in view of the need for all NSG decisions to be adopted by consensus.
Countries such as France and Russia — although not the US — from whom
India is expected to buy high value nuclear equipment are unlikely to
support any move at such a hypothetical NSG meeting in the event of a
hypothetical Indian test unless New Delhi completely alienates the
international community in some other way.
The compromise is modelled on the way the UN Security Council deals
with crisis situations and takes decisions, diplomats in Vienna who
attended the three-day, extended special NSG meeting said.
Although there is voting in the Security Council, five big powers have
the power to veto decisions. “Instead of a P5 veto, anyone can veto
any NSG decision against India in the event of another test,” said one
diplomat. “The Security Council is often paralysed. So will the NSG be
if India, God forbid, decides to test again.”

The decision to exempt India from NSG guidelines for nuclear commerce
came after the group reconvened today for a previously unscheduled
meeting after two days of deliberations failed to reach any agreement.
A group of six countries which held out against the India-specific
exemption until Friday felt compelled to go along with the majority
after external affairs minister Pranab Mukherjee assured the NSG that
“we do not subscribe to any arms race, including a nuclear arms race”.
That assurance went some way to assuage the worries of holdout
countries which are extremely concerned about South Asia, especially
an unstable, nuclear armed Pakistan.
US diplomats who had been sent to Vienna by the secretary of state
Condoleezza Rice interpreted Mukherjee’s pledge as an implicit
assurance that India will not conduct another nuclear test.
“An Indian test will prompt Pakistan to test, too, and that will mean
a fresh nuclear arms race in South Asia. When the Indian minister says
there will be no nuclear arms race, the implication between the lines
is that India will not test another nuclear weapon,” a European
diplomat quoted a US official as interpreting the Indian assurance at
private meetings on the eve of today’s formal NSG session.
Rice, who is in Algiers, told reporters travelling with her that the
NSG exemption for India was a “landmark”. “It is a really very big
step forward for the non-proliferation framework,” she said.
Rice, who made several telephone calls to her counterparts — including
one to China’s foreign minister — in support of the NSG exemption
while travelling in Arab Africa said she hoped the US Congress would
approve the nuclear deal package with India in its current term.
“The Congressional calendar is short. The main thing is that the
international work is now done. I certainly hope we can get it
through,” she said.
Diplomats in Vienna said the exact wording of the exemption for India
was still being finalised by German and US officials after the NSG
meeting approved the deal in principle and adjourned after a political
decision was taken in major world capitals to change the group’s
guidelines.
US officials said President George W. Bush made several phone calls to
heads of state and government in a personal intervention to save the
nuclear deal through an NSG exemption. Officials did not specify the
countries that the White House called.
Mukherjee’s assurance to NSG, which broke the stalemate, said: “India
places great value on the role played by the International Atomic
Energy Agency’s nuclear safeguards system.” India had earlier been
ambivalent about the system despite its own multiple, limited
safeguards pacts with the global nuclear watchdog.
Mukherjee gave several other assurances to the NSG, including
reiteration of a pledge to work for a Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080907/jsp/frontpage/story_9799685.jsp



Joseph Goebbels
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Dr. Joseph Goebbels


Dr. Paul Joseph Goebbels, leader of the Nazi Party's propaganda unit,
later the minister in charge of Nazi Propaganda and Adolf Hitler's
successor as the Chancellor of Germany.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

25th Chancellor of Germany
2nd Chancellor of the Third Reich
In office
April 30 – May 1, 1945
President Karl Dönitz
Preceded by Adolf Hitler
Succeeded by Lutz von Krosigk

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda
In office
March 13, 1933 – April 30, 1945
Preceded by None (Ministry formed in March 1933.)
Succeeded by Werner Naumann

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Born October 29, 1897(1897-10-29)
Rheydt, Prussia, Germany

Died May 1, 1945 (aged 47)
Berlin, Germany

Political party National Socialist German Workers Party
Spouse Magda Goebbels
Alma mater University of Bonn
University of Würzburg
University of Freiburg
University of Heidelberg
Occupation Politician
Signature

Doctor Paul Joseph Goebbels (German pronunciation: IPA: [ˈɡœbəls];
English generally IPA: /ˈɡɝbəlz/ (October 29, 1897 – May 1, 1945) was
a German politician and Reich Minister of Public Enlightenment and
Propaganda in Nazi Germany from 1933 to 1945. He was one of German
dictator Adolf Hitler's closest associates and most devout followers.
Goebbels was known for his zealous, energetic oratory, and venomous
anti-Semitism; he is held responsible for Kristallnacht by many
historians.

Goebbels earned a Ph.D. in Heidelberg University in 1921, writing his
doctoral thesis on 18th century romantic drama; he then went on to
work as a journalist and later a bank clerk and caller on the stock
exchange. He also wrote novels and plays, but they were refused by
publishers. Goebbels came into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923
during the French occupation of the Ruhr and became a member in 1924.
He was appointed Gauleiter (regional party leader) of Berlin. In this
position, he put his propaganda skills to full use, combatting the
local socialist and communist parties with the help of Nazi papers and
the paramilitary SA. By 1928 he had risen in the party ranks to become
one of its most prominent members.

After the Nazis rose to power in 1933, he was appointed propaganda
minister. One of his first acts was to order the burning of books by
Jewish or anti-Nazi authors at Bebelplatz and he proceeded to gain
full control of every outlet of information in Germany. Following his
appointment, his attacks on German Jews became ever fiercer and
culminated in the Kristallnacht in 1938, the first open and
unrestrained pogrom unleashed by the Nazis.

An early and avid supporter of war, Goebbels did everything in his
power to prepare the German people for a large scale military
conflict. During World War II, he increased his power and influence
through shifting alliances with other Nazi leaders. By late 1943, the
tide of the war was turning against the Axis powers, but this only
spurred Goebbels to intensify the propaganda by urging the Germans to
accept the idea of total war and mobilization. Goebbels remained with
Hitler in Berlin to the very end, and following the Führer's suicide
he was the second person to serve as the Third Reich's Chancellor —
albeit for one day. In his final hours, it is suggested Goebbels
allowed his wife, Magda, to kill their six young children. Shortly
after, Goebbels and his wife both committed suicide.

Contents
[hide]
1 Early life
2 Nazi Activist
3 Propagandist in Berlin
4 Propaganda Minister
5 Goebbels and the Jews
6 Man of power
7 Goebbels at war
8 Goebbels and the Holocaust
9 Plenipotentiary for Total War
10 Defeat and death
11 References
12 Notes
13 External links



[edit] Early life
Goebbels was born in Rheydt, an industrial town south of
Mönchengladbach (of which it is now part) on the edge of the Ruhr
district.[1] His family were Catholics of modest means, his father a
factory clerk, his mother originally a farmhand. He had four siblings:
Konrad (1895–1949), Hans (1893–1947), Elisabeth (1901–1915) and Maria
(born 1910, later married to the German filmmaker Max W. Kimmich).
Goebbels was educated at a Gymnasium, or secondary school, where he
completed his Abitur (university entrance examination) in 1916.
Beginning in childhood, he had a deformed right leg, the result either
of club foot or osteomyelitis.[2] He wore a metal brace and special
shoe to compensate for his shortened leg, but nevertheless walked with
a limp all his life. As a result of these conditions, he was rejected
for military service in World War I, which he bitterly resented. He
later frequently misrepresented himself as a war veteran and
misrepresented his disability as a war wound.[3] The nearest he came
to military service was as an "office soldier" from June 1917 to
October 1917 in Rheydt's "Patriotic Help Unit".[4]

Goebbels compensated for his physical frailty with intellectual
accomplishments. He originally intended to train as a priest, but
after growing distant from his Catholic faith[5] he studied literature
and philosophy at universities in Bonn, Würzburg, Freiburg im Breisgau
and Heidelberg, where he wrote his doctoral thesis on the 18th century
romantic novelist Wilhelm von Schütz. His two most influential
teachers, Friedrich Gundolf and his doctoral supervisor at Heidelberg,
Max Freiherr von Waldberg, were Jews. His intelligence and political
astuteness were generally acknowledged even by his enemies.[6]

After completing his doctorate in 1921, Goebbels worked as a
journalist and tried for several years to become a published author.
He wrote a semi-autobiographical novel, Michael, two verse plays, and
quantities of romantic poetry. In these works, he revealed the
psychological damage his physical limitations had caused. "The very
name of the hero, Michael, to whom he gave many autobiographical
features, suggests the way his self-identification was pointing: a
figure of light, radiant, tall, unconquerable," and above all "'To be
a soldier! To stand sentinel! One ought always to be a soldier,' wrote
Michael-Goebbels."[7] Goebbels found another form of compensation in
the pursuit of women, a lifelong compulsion which he indulged "with
extraordinary vigour and a surprising degree of success."[8] His
diaries reveal a long succession of affairs, before and after his
marriage in 1931 to Magda Quandt, with whom he had six children.

Goebbels was embittered by the frustration of his literary career; his
novel did not find a publisher until 1929 and his plays were never
staged. He found an outlet for his desire to write in his diaries,
which he began in 1923 and continued for the rest of his life.[9] He
later worked as a bank clerk and a caller on the stock exchange.[10]
During this period, he read avidly and formed his political views.
Major influences were Friedrich Nietzsche, Oswald Spengler and, most
importantly, Houston Stewart Chamberlain, the British-born German
writer who was one of the founders of "scientific" anti-Semitism, and
whose book The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century (1899) was one of
the standard works of the extreme right in Germany. Goebbels spent the
winter of 1919–20 in Munich, where he witnessed and admired the
violent nationalist reaction against the attempted communist
revolution in Bavaria. His first political hero was Anton Graf von
Arco auf Valley, the man who assassinated the Munich socialist leader
Kurt Eisner.[11] Hitler was in Munich at the same time and entered
politics as a result of similar experiences.

The culture of the German extreme right was violent and anti-
intellectual, which posed a challenge to the physically frail
University graduate. Joachim Fest writes:

This was the source of his hatred of the intellect, which was a form
of self-hatred, his longing to degrade himself, to submerge himself in
the ranks of the masses, which ran curiously parallel with his
ambition and his tormenting need to distinguish himself. He was
incessantly tortured by the fear of being regarded as a ‘bourgeois
intellectual’… It always seemed as if he were offering blind devotion
(to Nazism) to make up for his lack of all those characteristics of
the racial elite which nature had denied him.[12]


[edit] Nazi Activist


Goebbels's 1938 identity document as a member of the Reichstag.
Like others who were later prominent in the Third Reich, Goebbels came
into contact with the Nazi Party in 1923, during the campaign of
resistance to the French occupation of the Ruhr. Hitler’s imprisonment
following the failed November 1923 "Beer Hall Putsch" left the party
temporarily leaderless, and when the 27-year-old Goebbels joined the
party in late 1924 the most important influence on his political
development was Gregor Strasser, who became Nazi organiser in northern
Germany in March 1924. Strasser ("the most able of the leading Nazis"
of this period)[13] took the "socialist" component of National
Socialism far more seriously than did Hitler and other members of the
Bavarian leadership of the party.

"National and socialist! What goes first, and what comes afterwards?"
Goebbels asked rhetorically in a debate with Theodore Vahlen,
Gauleiter (regional party head) of Pomerania, in the Rhineland party
newspaper National-sozialistische Briefe (National-Socialist Letters),
of which he was editor, in mid 1925. "With us in the west, there can
be no doubt. First socialist redemption, then comes national
liberation like a whirlwind… Hitler stands between both opinions, but
he is on his way to coming over to us completely."[14] Goebbels, with
his journalistic skills, thus soon became a key ally of Strasser in
his struggle with the Bavarians over the party programme. The conflict
was not, so they thought, with Hitler, but with his lieutenants,
Rudolf Hess, Julius Streicher and Hermann Esser, who, they said, were
mismanaging the party in Hitler’s absence. In 1925, Goebbels published
an open letter to "my friends of the left," urging unity between
socialists and Nazis against the capitalists. "You and I," he wrote,
"we are fighting one another although we are not really enemies."[15]

In February 1926, Hitler, having finished working on Mein Kampf, made
a sudden return to party affairs and soon disabused the northerners of
any illusions about where he stood. He summoned about sixty gauleiters
and other activists, including Goebbels, to a meeting at Bamberg, in
Streicher’s Gau of Franconia, where he gave a two-hour speech
repudiating the political programme of the "socialist" wing of the
party. For Hitler, the real enemy of the German people was always the
Jews, not the capitalists. Goebbels was bitterly disillusioned. "I
feel devastated," he wrote. "What sort of Hitler? A reactionary?" He
was horrified by Hitler’s characterisation of socialism as "a Jewish
creation," his declaration that the Soviet Union must be destroyed,
and his assertion that private property would not be expropriated by a
Nazi government. "I no longer fully believe in Hitler. That’s the
terrible thing: my inner support has been taken away."[16]

Hitler, however, recognised Goebbels’s talents, and he was a shrewd
judge of character; he knew that Goebbels craved recognition above all
else. In April, he brought Goebbels to Munich, sending his own car to
meet him at the railway station, and gave him a long private audience.
Hitler berated Goebbels over his support for the "socialist" line, but
offered to "wipe the slate clean" if Goebbels would now accept his
leadership. Goebbels capitulated completely, offering Hitler his total
loyalty — a pledge which was clearly sincere, and which he adhered to
until the end of his life. "I love him… He has thought through
everything," Goebbels wrote. "Such a sparkling mind can be my leader.
I bow to the greater one, the political genius. Later he wrote: "Adolf
Hitler, I love you because you are both great and simple at the same
time. What one calls a genius."[17] Fest writes:

From this point on he submitted himself, his whole existence, to his
attachment to the person of the Führer, consciously eliminating all
inhibitions springing from intellect, free will and self-respect.
Since this submission was an act less of faith than of insight, it
stood firm through all vicissitudes to the end. ‘He who forsakes the
Führer withers away,’ he would later write.


[edit] Propagandist in Berlin
In October 1926, Hitler rewarded Goebbels for his new loyalty by
making him the party "Gauleiter" for the Berlin section of the
National Socialists. Goebbels was then able to use the new position to
indulge his literary aspirations in the German capital, which he
perceived to be a stronghold of the socialists and communists. Here,
Goebbels discovered his talent as a propagandist, writing such tracts
as 1926's The Second Revolution and Lenin or Hitler.[18]

Here, he was also able to indulge his heretofore latent taste for
violence, if only vicariously through the actions of the street
fighters under his command. History, he said, "is made in the street,"
and he was determined to challenge the dominant parties of the left —
the Social Democrats and Communists — in the streets of Berlin.[19]
Working with the local S.A. (stormtrooper) leaders, he deliberately
provoked beer-hall battles and street brawls, frequently involving
firearms. "Beware, you dogs," he wrote to his former "friends of the
left": "When the Devil is loose in me you will not curb him again."
When the inevitable deaths occurred, he exploited them for the maximum
effect, turning the street fighter Horst Wessel, who was killed at his
home by enemy political activists, into a martyr and hero.[20]

In Berlin, Goebbels was able to give full expression to his genius for
propaganda, as editor of the Berlin Nazi newspaper Der Angriff (The
Attack) and as the author of a steady stream of Nazi posters and
handbills. "He rose within a few months to be the city’s most feared
agitator."[21] His propaganda techniques were totally cynical: "That
propaganda is good which leads to success, and that is bad which fails
to achieve the desired result," he wrote. "It is not propaganda’s task
to be intelligent, its task is to lead to success."[22]

Among his favourite targets were socialist leaders such as Hermann
Müller and Carl Severing, and the Jewish Berlin Police President,
Bernhard Weiss, whom he subjected to a relentless campaign of Jew-
baiting in the hope of provoking a crackdown which he could then
exploit. The Social Democrat city government obliged in 1927 with an
eight-month ban on the party, which Goebbels exploited to the hilt.
When a friend criticised him for denigrating Weiss, a man with an
exemplary military record, "he explained cynically that he wasn’t in
the least interested in Weiss, only in the propaganda effect."[23]

Goebbels also discovered a talent for oratory, and was soon second in
the Nazi movement only to Hitler as a public speaker. Where Hitler’s
style was hoarse and passionate, Goebbels’s was cool, sarcastic and
often humorous: he was a master of biting invective and insinuation,
although he could whip himself into a rhetorical frenzy if the
occasion demanded. Unlike Hitler, however, he retained a cynical
detachment from his own rhetoric. He openly acknowledged that he was
exploiting the lowest instincts of the German people — racism,
xenophobia, class envy and insecurity. He could, he said, play the
popular will like a piano, leading the masses wherever he wanted them
to go. "He drove his listeners into ecstasy, making them stand up,
sing songs, raise their arms, repeat oaths — and he did it, not
through the passionate inspiration of the moment, but as the result of
sober psychological calculation."[24]

Goebbels’s words and actions made little impact on the political
loyalties of Berlin.[25] At the 1928 Reichstag elections, the Nazis
polled less than two percent of the vote in Berlin compared with 33
percent for the Social Democrats and 25 percent for the Communists. At
this election Goebbels was one of the 10 Nazis elected to the
Reichstag, which brought him a salary of 750 Reichsmarks a month and
immunity from prosecution.[26] Even when the impact of the Great
Depression led to an enormous surge in support for the Nazis across
Germany, Berlin resisted the party’s appeal more than any other part
of Germany: at its peak in 1932, the Nazi Party polled 28 percent in
Berlin to the combined left’s 55 percent.[27] But his outstanding
talents, and the obvious fact that he stood high in Hitler’s regard,
earned Goebbels the grudging respect of the anti-intellectual brawlers
of the Nazi movement, who called him "our little doctor" with a
mixture of affection and amusement. By 1928, still aged only 31, he
was acknowledged to be one of the inner circle of Nazi leaders. "The
S.A. would have let itself be hacked to bits for him," wrote Horst
Wessel in 1929.[28]

The Great Depression led to a new resurgence of "left" sentiment in
some sections of the Nazi Party, led by Gregor Strasser’s brother
Otto, who argued that the party ought to be competing with the
Communists for the loyalties of the unemployed and the industrial
workers by promising to expropriate the capitalists. Hitler, whose
dislike of working-class militancy reflected his social origins in the
small-town lower-middle class, was thoroughly opposed to this line. He
recognised that the growth in Nazi support at the 1930 elections had
mainly come from the middle class and from farmers, and he was now
busy building bridges to the upper middle classes and to German
business. In April 1930, he fired Strasser as head of the Nazi Party
national propaganda apparatus and appointed Goebbels to replace him,
giving him control of the party’s national newspaper, the Völkischer
Beobachter (People’s Observer), as well as other Nazi papers across
the country. Goebbels, although he continued to show "leftish"
tendencies in some of his actions (such as co-operating with the
Communists in supporting the Berlin transport workers' strike in
November 1932),[29] was totally loyal to Hitler in his struggle with
the Strassers, which culminated in Otto’s expulsion from the party in
July 1930.[30]

Despite his revolutionary rhetoric, Goebbels’s most important
contribution to the Nazi cause between 1930 and 1933 was as the
organiser of successive election campaigns: The Reichstag elections of
September 1930, July and November 1932 and March 1933, and Hitler’s
presidential campaign of March–April 1932. He proved to be an
organiser of genius, choreographing Hitler’s dramatic aeroplane tours
of Germany and pioneering the use of radio and cinema for electoral
campaigning. The Nazi Party’s use of torchlight parades, brass bands,
massed choirs and similar techniques caught the imagination of many
voters, particularly young people. "His propaganda headquarters in
Munich sent out a constant stream of directives to local and regional
party sections, often providing fresh slogans and fresh material for
the campaign."[31] Although the spectacular rise in the Nazi vote in
1930 and July 1932 was caused mainly by the effects of the Depression,
Goebbels as party campaign manager was naturally given much of the
credit.


[edit] Propaganda Minister


A popular image created by Boris Efimov mocking Joseph Goebbels as
Propaganda Minister.
When Hitler was appointed Reich Chancellor of Germany on 30 January
1933, Goebbels was initially given no office: the coalition cabinet
which Hitler headed contained only a minority of Nazis as part of the
deal he had negotiated with President Paul von Hindenburg and the
conservative parties. But as the propaganda head of the ruling party,
a party which had no great respect for the law, he immediately began
to behave as though he were in power. He commandeered the state radio
to produce a live broadcast of the torchlight parade which celebrated
Hitler’s assumption of office. On 13 March, Goebbels had his reward
for his part in bringing the Nazis to power by being appointed Reich
Minister of Public Enlightenment and Propaganda (Volksaufklärung und
Propaganda), with a seat in the Cabinet.

The role of the new ministry, which took over palatial accommodation
in the 18th century Leopold Palace on Wilhelmstrasse, just across from
Hitler’s offices in the Reich Chancellery, was to centralise Nazi
control of all aspects of German cultural and intellectual life,
particularly the press, radio and the visual and performing arts.[32]
On 1 May, Goebbels organised the massive demonstrations and parades to
mark the "Day of National Labour" which preceded the Nazi takeover and
destruction of the German trade union movement. By 3 May, he was able
to boast in his diary: "We are the masters of Germany."[33] On 10 May,
he supervised an even more symbolic event in the establishment of Nazi
cultural power: the burning of up to 20,000 books by Jewish or anti-
Nazi authors in the Opernplatz next to the university.[34]

The hegemonic ambitions of the Propaganda Ministry were shown by the
divisions which Goebbels soon established: press, radio, film,
theatre, music, literature and publishing. In each of these, a Reich
Chamber (Reichskammer) was established, co-opting leading figures from
the field (usually not known Nazis) to head each Chamber, and
requiring them to supervise the purge of Jews, socialists and
liberals, as well as practitioners of "degenerate" art forms such as
abstract art and atonal music.[35] The respected composer Richard
Strauss, for example, became head of the Reich Music Chamber.
Goebbels’ orders were backed by the threat of force. The many
prominent Jews in the arts and the mass media emigrated in large
numbers rather than risk the fists of the S.A. and the gates of the
concentration camp, as did many socialists and liberals. Some non-
Jewish anti-Nazis with good connections or international reputations
survived until the mid 1930s, but most were forced out sooner or
later.

Control of the arts and media was not just a matter of personnel. Soon
the content of every newspaper, book, novel, play, film, broadcast and
concert, from the level of nationally-known publishers and orchestras
to local newspapers and village choirs, was subject to supervision by
the Propaganda Ministry, although a process of self-censorship was
soon effectively operating in all these fields, leaving the Ministry
in Berlin free to concentrate on the most politically sensitive areas
such as major newspapers and the state radio. No author could publish,
no painter could exhibit, no singer could broadcast, no critic could
criticise, unless they were a member of the appropriate Reich Chamber,
and membership was conditional on good behaviour. Goebbels could bribe
as well as threaten: he secured a large budget for his Ministry, with
which he was able to offer generous salaries and subsidies to those in
the arts who co-operated with him. These were inducements which most
artists, theatres and orchestras, after their struggles to survive
during the Depression, found hard to refuse.[36]

As the most highly educated member of the Nazi leadership, and the one
with the most authentic pretensions to high culture, Goebbels was
sensitive to charges that he was dragging German culture down to the
level of mere propaganda. He responded by saying that the purpose of
both art and propaganda was to bring about a spiritual mobilisation of
the German people. He was, in fact, far from the most militant member
of the Nazi leadership on cultural questions. The more philistine
Nazis wanted nothing in German books but Nazi slogans, nothing on
German stages and cinema screens but Nazi heroics, and nothing in
German concert halls but German folk songs.

Goebbels insisted that German high culture must be allowed to carry
on, both for reasons of international prestige and to win the loyalty
of the upper middle classes, who valued art forms such as opera and
the symphony. He thus became to some extent the protector of the arts
as well as their regulator. In this, he had the support of Hitler, a
passionate devotee of Richard Wagner. But Goebbels always had to bow
to Hitler’s views. Hitler loathed modernism of all kinds, and Goebbels
(whose own tastes were sympathetic to modernism) was forced to
acquiesce in imposing very traditionalist forms on the artistic and
musical worlds. The music of Paul Hindemith, for example, was banned
simply because Hitler did not like it.

Goebbels also resisted the complete Nazification of the arts because
he knew that the masses must be allowed some respite from slogans and
propaganda. He ensured that film studios such as UFA at Babelsberg
near Berlin continued to produce a stream of comedies and light
romances, which drew mass audiences to the cinema where they would
also watch propaganda newsreels and Nazi epics. His abuse of his
position as Propaganda Minister and the reputation that built up
around his use of the "casting couch" was well known. Many actresses
wrote later of how Goebbels had tried to lure them to his home. He
acquired the nickname "Bock von Babelsberg" lit: "Babelsberg Stud". He
resisted considerable pressure to ban all foreign films — helped by
the fact that Hitler was a big fan of Mickey Mouse. For the same
reason, Goebbels worked to bring culture to the masses — promoting the
sale of cheap radios, organising free concerts in factories, staging
art exhibitions in small towns and establishing mobile cinemas to
bring the movies to every village. All of this served short-term
propaganda ends, but also served to reconcile the German people,
particularly the working class, to the regime.[37]


[edit] Goebbels and the Jews
Despite the enormous power of the Propaganda Ministry over German
cultural life, Goebbels’ status began to decline once the Nazi regime
was firmly established in power.[38] This was because the real
business of the Nazi regime was preparation for war, and although
propaganda was a part of this, it was not the main game. By the mid
1930s, Hitler’s most powerful subordinates were Hermann Göring, as
head of the Four Year Plan for crash rearmament, and Heinrich Himmler,
head of the SS and police apparatus. Once the internal enemies of the
Nazi Party were destroyed, as they effectively were by 1935,
Goebbels’s propaganda efforts began to lose their point, and without
an enemy to fight, his rhetoric began to sound hollow and
unconvincing.

As a man of education and culture, Goebbels had once mocked the
"primitive" anti-Semitism of Nazis such as Julius Streicher. But as
Joachim Fest observes: "Goebbels [found] in the increasingly
unrestrained practice of anti-Semitism by the state new possibilities
into which he threw himself with all the zeal of an ambitious man
worried by a constant diminution of his power." Fest also suggests a
psychological motive: "A man who conformed so little to the National
Socialist image of the elite… may have had his reason, in the
struggles for power at Hitler’s court, for offering keen anti-Semitism
as a counterweight to his failure to conform to a type."[39] Whatever
his motives, Goebbels took every opportunity to attack the Jews. From
1933 onwards, he was bracketed with Streicher among the regime’s most
virulent anti-Semites.[40] "Some people think," he told a Berlin rally
in June 1935, "that we haven’t noticed how the Jews are trying once
again to spread themselves over all our streets. The Jews ought to
please observe the laws of hospitality and not behave as if they were
the same as us."

The sarcastic "humour" of Goebbels’ speeches did not conceal the
reality of his threat to the Jews. In his capacity as Gauleiter of
Berlin, and thus as de facto ruler of the capital (although there was
still officially an Oberbürgermeister and city council), Goebbels
maintained constant pressure on the city’s large Jewish community,
forcing them out of business and professional life and placing
obstacles in the way of their being able to live normal lives, such as
banning them from public transport and city facilities. There was some
respite during 1936, while Berlin hosted the Olympic Games,[41] but
from 1937 the intensity of his anti-Semitic words and actions began to
increase again. "The Jews must get out of Germany, indeed out of
Europe altogether," he wrote in his diary in November 1937. "That will
take some time, but it must and will happen."[42] By mid 1938 Goebbels
was investigating the possibility of requiring all Jews to wear an
identifying mark and of confining them to a ghetto, but these were
ideas whose time had not yet come. "Aim—drive the Jews out of Berlin,"
he wrote in his diary in June 1938, "and without any
sentimentality."[43]

In November 1938, Goebbels got the chance to take decisive action
against the Jews for which he had been waiting when a Jewish youth,
Herschel Grynszpan, shot a German diplomat in Paris, Ernst vom Rath,
in revenge for the deportation of his family to Poland and the
persecution of German Jews generally.[44] On 9 November, the evening
vom Rath died of his wounds, Goebbels was at the Bürgerbräu Keller in
Munich with Hitler, celebrating the anniversary of the 1923 Beer Hall
Putsch with a large crowd of veteran Nazis. Goebbels told Hitler that
"spontaneous" anti-Jewish violence had already broken out in German
cities, although in fact this was not true: this was a clear case of
Goebbels manipulating Hitler for his own ends. When Hitler said he
approved of what was happening, Goebbels took this as authorisation to
organise a massive, nationwide pogrom against the Jews. He wrote in
his diary:

[Hitler] decides: demonstrations should be allowed to continue. The
police should be withdrawn. For once the Jews should get the feel of
popular anger… I immediately gave the necessary instructions to the
police and the Party. Then I briefly speak in that vein to the Party
leadership. Stormy applause. All are instantly at the phones. Now
people will act.[45]

To say that Goebbels manipulated Hitler into approving the pogrom of
Kristallnacht is not to suggest that Hitler’s anti-Semitism was any
less virulent than Goebbels’s. But it is clear that the idea of a
state-sponsored pogrom originated with Goebbels, and that he gained
Hitler’s approval for it by falsely telling Hitler that it had already
begun.

The result of Goebbels’ incitement was Kristallnacht, the "Night of
Broken Glass," during which the S.A. and Nazi Party went on a rampage
of anti-Jewish violence and destruction, killing at least 90 and maybe
as many as 200 people (not counting several hundred suicides),
destroying over a thousand synagogues and hundreds of Jewish
businesses and homes, and dragging some 30,000 Jews off to
concentration camps, where at least another thousand died before the
remainder were released after several months of brutal treatment. The
longer-term effect was to drive 80,000 Jews to emigrate, most leaving
behind all their property in their desperation to escape. Foreign
opinion reacted with horror, bringing to a sudden end the climate of
appeasement of Nazi Germany in the western democracies. Goebbels’s
pogrom thus moved Germany significantly closer to war, at a time when
rearmament was still far from complete. Göring and some other Nazi
leaders were furious at Goebbels’ actions, about which they had not
been consulted.[46] Goebbels, however, was delighted. "As was to be
expected, the entire nation is in uproar," he wrote. "This is one dead
man who is costing the Jews dear. Our darling Jews will think twice in
future before gunning down German diplomats."[47] In 1942 Goebbels was
involved in deportation of Berlin's Jews.[48]


[edit] Man of power
These events were well-timed from the point of view of Goebbels’s
relations with Hitler. In 1937, he had begun an intense affair with
the Czech actress Lída Baarová, causing the break-up of her marriage.
When Magda Goebbels learned of this affair in October 1938, she
complained to Hitler, a conservative in sexual matters who was fond of
Magda and the Goebbels' young children. He ordered Goebbels to break
off his affair, whereupon Goebbels offered his resignation, which
Hitler refused. On 15 October, Goebbels attempted suicide. A furious
Hitler then ordered Himmler to remove Baarová from Germany, and she
was deported to Czechoslovakia, from where she later left for Italy.
These events damaged Goebbels’ standing with Hitler, and his zeal in
furthering Hitler’s anti-Semitic agenda was in part an effort to
restore his reputation.[49] The Baarová affair, however, did nothing
to dampen Goebbels' enthusiasm for womanising. As late as 1943, the
Hitler Youth leader Artur Axmann was ingratiating himself with
Goebbels by procuring young women for him.[50]

Goebbels, like all the Nazi leaders, could not afford to defy Hitler’s
will in matters of this kind. By 1938, they had all become wealthy
men, but their wealth was dependent on Hitler’s continuing goodwill
and willingness to turn a blind eye to their corruption. Until the
Nazis came to power, Goebbels had been a relatively poor man, and his
main income was the salary of 750 Reichsmarks a month he had gained by
election to the Reichstag in 1928. By 1936, although he was not nearly
as corrupt as some other senior Nazis, such as Göring and Robert Ley,
Goebbels was earning 300,000 Reichsmarks a year in "fees" for writing
in his own newspaper, Der Angriff, as well as his ministerial salary
and many other sources of income. These payments were in effect bribes
from the papers’ publisher Max Amann. He owned a villa by the lake at
Wannsee and another on Lake Constance in the south, which he spent 2.2
million Reichsmarks refurbishing. The tax office, as it did for all
the Nazi leaders, gave him generous exemptions.[51] Hitler apparently
connived at the corruption of his lieutenants because of the power it
gave him over them.

Whatever the loss of real power suffered by Goebbels during the middle
years of the Nazi regime, he remained one of Hitler’s intimates. Since
his offices were close to the Chancellery, he was a frequent guest for
lunch, during which he became adept at listening to Hitler’s
monologues and agreeing with his opinions. In the months leading up to
the war, his influence began to increase again. He ranked along with
Joachim von Ribbentrop, Göring, Himmler and Martin Bormann as the
senior Nazi with the most access to Hitler, which in an autocratic
regime meant access to power. The fact that Hitler was fond of Magda
Goebbels and the children also gave Goebbels entrée to Hitler’s inner
circle. The Goebbelses were regular visitors to Hitler’s Bavarian
mountain retreat, the Berghof. But he was not kept directly informed
of military and diplomatic developments, relying on second-hand
accounts to hear what Hitler was doing.[52]


[edit] Goebbels at war
In the years 1936 to 1939, Hitler, while professing his desire for
peace, led Germany firmly and deliberately towards a confrontation.
[53] Goebbels was one of the most enthusiastic proponents of
aggressively pursuing Germany's territorial claims sooner rather than
later, along with Himmler and Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop.[54] He
saw it as his job to make the German people accept this and if
possible welcome it. At the time of the Sudetenland crisis in 1938,
Goebbels was well aware that the great majority of Germans did not
want a war, and used every propaganda resource at his disposal to
overcome what he called this "war psychosis," by whipping up sympathy
for the Sudeten Germans and hatred of the Czechs.[55] After the
western powers conceded to Hitler's demands concerning Czechoslovakia
in 1938, Goebbels soon redirected his propaganda machine against
Poland. From May onwards, he orchestrated a "hate campaign" against
Poland, fabricating stories about atrocities against ethnic Germans in
Danzig and other cities. Even so, he was unable to persuade the
majority of Germans to welcome the prospect of war.[56]

Once war began in September 1939, Goebbels began a steady process of
extending his influence over domestic policy. After 1940, Hitler made
few public appearances, and even his broadcasts became less frequent,
so Goebbels increasingly became the face and the voice of the Nazi
regime for the German people.[57] With Hitler preoccupied with the
war, Himmler focussing on the "final solution to the Jewish question"
in eastern Europe, and with Hermann Göring’s position declining with
the failure of the German Air Force (Luftwaffe), Goebbels sensed a
power vacuum in domestic policy and moved to fill it. Since civilian
morale was his responsibility, he increasingly concerned himself with
matters such as wages, rationing and housing, which affected morale
and therefore productivity. He came to see the lethargic and
demoralised Göring, still Germany’s economic supremo as head of the
Four Year Plan Ministry, as his main enemy. To undermine Göring, he
forged an alliance with Himmler, although the SS chief remained wary
of him. A more useful ally was Albert Speer, a Hitler favourite who
was appointed Armaments Minister in February 1942. Goebbels and Speer
worked through 1942 to persuade Hitler to dismiss Göring and allow the
domestic economy to be run by a revived Cabinet headed by themselves.

However, in February 1943, the crushing German defeat at the Battle of
Stalingrad produced a crisis in the regime. Goebbels was forced to
ally himself with Göring to thwart a bid for power by Bormann, head of
the Nazi Party Chancellery and Secretary to the Führer. Bormann who
exploited the disaster at Stalingrad and his daily access to Hitler to
persuade him to create a three-man junta representing the State, the
Army, and the Party. represented respectively by Hans Lammers, head of
the Reich Chancellery, Field Marshal Wilhelm Keitel, chief of the OKW
(armed forces high command), and Bormann, who controlled the Party and
access to the Führer. This Committee of Three would exercise
dictatorial powers over the home front. Goebbels, Speer, Göring and
Himmler all saw this proposal as a power grab by Bormann and a threat
to their power, and combined to block it.

However, their alliance was shaky at best. This was mainly due to the
fact that during this period Himmler was still cooperating with
Bormann to gain more power at the expense of Göring and most of the
traditional Reich administration; Göring's loss of power had resulted
in an overindulgence in the trappings of power and his strained
relations with Goebbels made it difficult for a unified coalition to
be formed, despite the attempts of Speer and Göring's Luftwaffe deputy
Field Marshal Erhard Milch, to reconcile the two Party comrades.

Goebbels instead tried to persuade Hitler to appoint Göring as head of
the government. His proposal had a certain logic, as Göring — despite
the failures of the Luftwaffe and his own corruption — was still very
popular among the German people, whose morale was waning since Hitler
barely appeared in public since the defeat at Stalingrad. However,
this proposal was increasingly unworkable given Göring’s increasing
incapacity and, more importantly, Hitler’s increasing contempt for him
due to his blaming of Göring for Germany's defeats. This was a measure
by Hitler designed to deflect criticism from himself.

The result was that nothing was done—the Committee of Three declined
into irrelevance due to the loss of power by Keitel and Lammers and
the ascension of Bormann and the situation continued to drift, with
administrative chaos increasingly undermining the war effort. The
ultimate responsibility for this lay with Hitler, as Goebbels well
knew, referring in his diary to a "crisis of leadership," but Goebbels
was too much under Hitler’s spell ever to challenge his power.[58]

Goebbels launched a new offensive to place himself at the center of
policy-making. On 18 February, he delivered a passionate "Total War
Speech" at the Sports Palace in Berlin. Goebbels demanded from his
audience a commitment to "total war," the complete mobilisation of the
German economy and German society for the war effort. To motivate the
German people to continue the struggle, he cited three theses as the
basis of this argument:

If the German Armed Forces (Wehrmacht) were not in a position to break
the danger from the Eastern front, then Nazi Germany would fall to
Bolshevism, and all of Europe would fall shortly afterwards;
The German Armed Forces, the German people, and the Axis Powers alone
had the strength to save Europe from this threat;
Danger was a motivating force. Germany had to act quickly and
decisively, or it would be too late.
Goebbels concluded that "Two thousand years of Western history are in
danger," and he blamed Germany's failures on the Jews.

Goebbels hoped in this way to persuade Hitler to give him and his ally
Speer control of domestic policy for a program of total commitment to
arms production and full labor conscription, including women. But
Hitler, supported by Göring, resisted these demands, which he feared
would weaken civilian morale and lead to a repeat of the debacle of
1918, when the German army had been undermined (in Hitler's view) by a
collapse of the home front. Nor was Hitler willing to allow Goebbels
or anyone else to usurp his own power as the ultimate source of all
decisions. Goebbels privately lamented "a complete lack of direction
in German domestic policy," but of course he could not directly
criticise Hitler or go against his wishes.[59]


[edit] Goebbels and the Holocaust
Heinrich Himmler, one of the architects of the Holocaust, preferred
that the matter not be discussed in public. Despite this, in an
editorial in his newspaper Das Reich in November 1941 he quoted
Hitler’s 1939 "prophecy" that the Jews would be the loser in the
coming world war.[60] Now, he said, Hitler’s prophecy was coming true:
"Jewry," he said, "is now suffering the gradual process of
annihilation which it intended for us… It now perishes according to
its own precept of ‘an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth’!"[61]

In 1939, in a speech to the Reichstag, Hitler had said:

If international finance Jewry in and outside Europe should succeed in
thrusting the nations once again into a world war, then the result
will not be the Bolshevisation of the earth and with it the victory of
Jewry, but the destruction of the Jewish race in Europe.[62]

The view of most historians is that the decision to proceed with the
extermination of the Jews was taken at some point in late 1941, and
Goebbels’ comments make it clear that he knew in general terms, if not
in detail, what was planned.[63]

The decision in principle to deport the German and Austrian Jews to
unspecified destinations "in the east" was made in September. Goebbels
immediately pressed for the Berlin Jews to be deported first. He
travelled to Hitler’s headquarters on the eastern front, meeting both
Hitler and Reinhard Heydrich to lobby for his demands. He got the
assurances he wanted: "The Führer is of the opinion," he wrote, "that
the Jews eventually have to be removed from the whole of Germany. The
first cities to be made Jew-free are Berlin, Vienna and Prague. Berlin
is first in the queue, and I have the hope that we’ll succeed in the
course of this year."[64]

Deportations of Berlin Jews to the Łódź ghetto began in October, but
transport and other difficulties made the process much slower than
Goebbels desired. His November article in Das Reich was part of his
campaign to have the pace of deportation accelerated.

In December, he was present when Hitler addressed a meeting of
Gauleiters and other senior Nazis, discussing among other things the
"Jewish question." He wrote in his diary afterwards:

With regard to the Jewish Question, the Führer is determined to make a
clean sweep of it. He prophesied that, if they brought about another
world war, they would experience their annihilation. That was no empty
talk. The world war is here [this was the week Germany declared war on
the United States]. The annihilation of Jewry must be the necessary
consequence. The question is to be viewed without any sentimentality.
We’re not there to have sympathy with the Jews, but only sympathy with
our own German people. If the German people has again now sacrificed
around 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, the originators of this
bloody conflict will have to pay for it with their lives.[65]

During 1942, Goebbels continued to press for the "final solution to
the Jewish question" to be carried forward as quickly as possible now
that Germany had occupied a huge swathe of Soviet territory into which
all the Jews of German-controlled Europe could be deported. There they
could be worked into extinction in accordance with the plan agreed on
at the Wannsee Conference convened by Heydrich in January. It was a
constant annoyance to Goebbels that, at a time when Germany was
fighting for its life on the eastern front, there were still 40,000
Jews in Berlin.[66] They should be "carted off to Russia," he wrote in
his diary. "It would be best to kill them altogether."[67] Once again,
there is no doubt that Goebbels knew what would happen to the Jews who
were to be "carted off." Although the Propaganda Ministry was not
invited to the Wannsee Conference, Goebbels knew by March what had
been decided there.[68] He wrote:

The Jews are now being deported to the east. A fairly barbaric
procedure, not to be described in any greater detail, is being used
here, and not much more remains of the Jews themselves. In general, it
can probably be established that 60 percent of them must be
liquidated, while only 40 percent can be put to work […] A judgement
is being carried out on the Jews which is barbaric, but fully deserved.
[69]


[edit] Plenipotentiary for Total War
For Goebbels, 1943 and 1944 were years of struggle to rally the German
people behind a regime which was increasingly obviously facing
military defeat. The German people’s faith in Hitler was shaken by the
disaster at Stalingrad, and never fully recovered.[70] During 1943, as
the Soviet armies advanced towards the borders of the Reich, the
western Allies developed the ability to launch devastating air raids
on most German cities, including Berlin. At the same time, there were
increasingly critical shortages of food, raw materials, fuel and
housing. Goebbels and Speer were among the few Nazi leaders who were
under no illusions about Germany’s dire situation. Their solution was
to seize control of the home front from the indecisive Hitler and the
incompetent Göring. This was the agenda of Goebbels’s "total war"
speech of February 1943. But they were thwarted by their inability to
challenge Hitler, who could neither make decisions himself nor trust
anyone else to do so.

After Stalingrad, Hitler increasingly withdrew from public view,
almost never appearing in public and rarely even broadcasting. By
July, Goebbels was lamenting that Hitler had cut himself off from the
people — it was noted, for example, that he never visited the bomb-
ravaged cities of the Ruhr. "One can’t neglect the people too long,"
he wrote. "They are the heart of our war effort."[71] Goebbels himself
became the public voice of the Nazi regime, both in his regular
broadcasts and his weekly editorials in Das Reich. As Joachim Fest
notes, Goebbels seemed to take a grim pleasure in the destruction of
Germany’s cities by the Allied bombing offensive: "It was, as one of
his colleagues confirmed, almost a happy day for him when famous
buildings were destroyed, because at such time he put into his
speeches that ecstatic hatred which aroused the fanaticism of the
tiring workers and spurred them to fresh efforts."[72]

In public, Goebbels remained confident of German victory: "We live at
the most critical period in the history of the Occident," he wrote in
Das Reich in February 1943. "Any weakening of the spiritual and
military defensive strength of our continent in its struggle with
eastern Bolshevism brings with it the danger of a rapidly nearing
decline in its will to resist… Our soldiers in the East will do their
part. They will stop the storm from the steppes, and ultimately break
it. They fight under unimaginable conditions. But they are fighting a
good fight. They are fighting not only for our own security, but also
for Europe's future."[73]

In private, he was discouraged by the failure of his and Speer’s
campaign to gain control of the home front.

Goebbels remained preoccupied with the annihilation of the Jews, which
was now reaching its climax in the extermination camps of eastern
Poland. As in 1942, he was more outspoken about what was happening
than Himmler would have liked: "Our state’s security requires that we
take whatever measures seem necessary to protect the German community
from [the Jewish] threat," he wrote in May. "That leads to some
difficult decisions, but they are unavoidable if we are to deal with
the threat… None of the Führer’s prophetic words has come so
inevitably true as his prediction that if Jewry succeeded in provoking
a second world war, the result would be not the destruction of the
Aryan race, but rather the wiping out of the Jewish race. This process
is of vast importance."[74]

Following the Allied invasion of Italy and the fall of Benito
Mussolini in September, he and Joachim von Ribbentrop raised with
Hitler the possibility of secretly approaching Joseph Stalin and
negotiating a separate peace behind the backs of the western Allies.
Hitler, surprisingly, did not reject the idea of a separate peace with
either side, but he told Goebbels that he should not negotiate from a
position of weakness. A great German victory must occur before any
negotiations should be undertaken, he reasoned.[75] The German defeat
at Kursk in July had, however, ended any possibility of this. Goebbels
knew by this stage that the war was lost, but was unable to break the
spell that Hitler had held over him since 1926.

As Germany’s military and economic situation grew steadily worse
during 1944, Goebbels renewed his push, in alliance with Speer, to
wrest control of the home front away from Göring. In July, following
the Allied landings in France and the huge Soviet advances in
Byelorussia, Hitler finally agreed to grant both of them increased
powers. Speer took control of all economic and production matters away
from Göring, and Goebbels took the title Reich Plenipotentiary for
Total War (Reichsbevollmächtigter für den totalen Kriegseinsatz an der
Heimatfront). At the same time, Himmler took over the Interior
Ministry.

This trio — Goebbels, Himmler and Speer — became the real center of
German government in the last year of the war, although Bormann used
his privileged access to Hitler to thwart them when he could. In this
Bormann was very successful, as the Party Gauleiter gained more and
more powers, becoming Reich Defence Commissars
(Reichsverteidigungskommissare) in their respective districts and
overseeing all civilian administration. The fact that Himmler was
Interior Minister only increased the power of Bormann, as the
Gauleiters feared that Himmler, who was General Plenipontentiary for
the Administration of the Reich, would curb their power and set up his
higher SS and police leaders as their replacement.

Goebbels saw Himmler as a potential ally against Bormann and in 1944
is supposed to have voiced the opinion that if the Reichsführer SS was
granted control over the Wehrmacht and he, Goebbels, granted control
over the domestic politics, the war would soon be ended in a
victorious manner. However, the inability of Himmler to persuade
Hitler to cease his support of Bormann, the defection of SS generals
such as Obergruppenführer Ernst Kaltenbrunner, the Chief of the
Reichssicherheitshauptamt and his powerful subordinate Gruppenführer
Heinrich Müller, the head of the Gestapo, to Bormann, soon persuaded
Goebbels to align himself with the Secretary to the Führer at the end
of 1944, thus accepting his subordinate position.

When elements of the army leadership tried to assassinate Hitler in
the July 20 plot shortly thereafter, it was this trio that rallied the
resistance to the plotters. It was Goebbels, besieged in his Berlin
apartment with Speer and secretary Wilfred von Oven beside him but
with his phone lines intact, who brought Otto Ernst Remer, the
wavering commander of the Berlin garrison, to the phone to speak to
Hitler in East Prussia, thus demonstrating that the Führer was alive
and that the garrison should oppose the attempted coup.[76]

Goebbels promised Hitler that he could raise a million new soldiers by
means of a reorganisation of the Army, transferring personnel from the
Navy and Luftwaffe, and purging the bloated Reich Ministries which
satraps like Göring had hitherto protected. As it turned out, the
inertia of the state bureaucracy was too great even for the energetic
Goebbels to overcome. Bormann and his puppet Lammers, keen to retain
their control over the Party and State administrations respectively,
placed endless obstacles in Goebbels’s way.[77] Another problem was
that although Speer and Goebbels were allies, their agendas in fact
conflicted: Speer wanted absolute priority in the allocation of labour
to be given to arms production, while Goebbels sought to press every
able-bodied male into the army. Speer, allied with Fritz Sauckel, the
General Plenipotentiary for the Employment of Labour from 1942,
generally won these battles.[78]

By July 1944, it was in any case too late for Goebbels and Speer’s
internal coup to make any real difference to the outcome of the war.
The combined economic and military power of the western Allies and the
Soviet Union, now fully mobilised, was simply too great for Germany to
overcome. A crucial economic indicator, the ratio of steel output, was
running at 4.5 to one against Germany. The final blow was the loss of
the Romanian oil fields as the Soviet Army advanced through the
Balkans in September. This, combined with the U.S. air campaign
against Germany’s synthetic oil production, finally broke the back of
the German economy and thus its capacity for further resistance.[79]
By this time, the best Goebbels could do to reassure the German people
that victory was still possible was to make vague promises that
"miracle weapons" such as the Me 262 jet airplane, the Type XXI U-
boat, and the V-2 rocket could somehow retrieve the military
situation.


[edit] Defeat and death
In the last months of the war, Goebbels’s speeches and articles took
on an increasingly apocalyptic tone:

"Rarely in history has a brave people struggling for its life faced
such terrible tests as the German people have in this war," he wrote
towards the end. "The misery that results for us all, the never ending
chain of sorrows, fears, and spiritual torture does not need to be
described in detail… We are bearing a heavy fate because we are
fighting for a good cause, and are called to bravely endure the battle
to achieve greatness."[80]

By the beginning of 1945, with the Soviets on the Oder and the western
Allies crossing the Rhine, Goebbels could no longer disguise the fact
that defeat was inevitable. He knew what that would mean for himself:
"For us," he had written in 1943, "we have burnt our bridges. We
cannot go back, but neither do we want to go back. We are forced to
extremes and therefore resolved to proceed to extremes."[81]

When other Nazi leaders urged Hitler to leave Berlin and establish a
new center of resistance in the National Redoubt in Bavaria, Goebbels
opposed this, arguing for a last stand in the ruins of the Reich
capital.

By this time, Goebbels had gained the position he had wanted so long—
at the side of Hitler, albeit only because of his subservience to
Bormann, who was the Führer's de facto deputy. Göring was utterly
discredited, though Hitler refused to dismiss him until 25 April.
Himmler, whose appointment as commander of Army Group Vistula had led
to disaster on the Oder, was also in disgrace, and Hitler rightly
suspected that he was secretly trying to negotiate with the western
Allies. Only Goebbels and Bormann remained totally loyal to Hitler.
[82] Goebbels knew how to play on Hitler's fantasies, encouraging him
to see in the death of American President Roosevelt on 12 April the
hand of providence.[83] On 22 April, largely as a result of Goebbels'
influence, Hitler announced that he would not leave Berlin, but would
stay and fight, and if necessary die, in defence of the capital.[84]

On 23 April, Goebbels made the following proclamation to the people of
Berlin:

"I call on you to fight for your city. Fight with everything you have
got, for the sake of your wives and your children, your mothers and
your parents. Your arms are defending everything we have ever held
dear, and all the generations that will come after us. Be proud and
courageous! Be inventive and cunning! Your Gauleiter is amongst you.
He and his colleagues will remain in your midst. His wife and children
are here as well. He, who once captured the city with 200 men, will
now use every means to galvanize the defense of the capital. The
battle for Berlin must become the signal for the whole nation to rise
up in battle…"[85]

Unlike many other leading Nazis at this juncture, Goebbels at least
proved to have the courage of his convictions, moving himself and his
family into the Führerbunker under the Reich Chancellery building in
central Berlin. He told Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss that he would not
entertain the idea of either surrender or escape: "I was the Reich
Minister of Propaganda and led the fiercest activity against the
Soviet Union, for which they would never pardon me," Voss quoted him
as saying. "He couldn't escape also because he was Berlin's Defence
Commissioner and he considered it would be disgraceful for him to
abandon his post," Voss added.[86]

On 30 April, with the Soviets advancing to within a few hundred metres
of the bunker, Hitler dictated his last will and testament. Goebbels
was one of four witnesses. Not long after completing it, Hitler shot
himself. Of Hitler's death, Goebbels commented: "The heart of Germany
has ceased to beat. The Führer is dead."

In his last will and testament, Hitler named no successor as Führer or
leader of the Nazi Party. Instead, Hitler appointed Goebbels Reich
Chancellor; Grand Admiral Karl Dönitz, who was at Flensburg near the
Danish border, Reich President; and Martin Bormann, Hitler's long-time
chief of staff, Party Minister. Goebbels knew that this was an empty
title. Even if he was willing and able to escape Berlin and reach the
north, it was unlikely that Dönitz, whose only concern was to
negotiate a settlement with the western Allies that would save Germany
from Soviet occupation, would want such a notorious figure as Goebbels
heading his government.

As it was, Goebbels had no intention of trying to escape. Voss later
recounted: "When Goebbels learned that Hitler had committed suicide,
he was very depressed and said: 'It is a great pity that such a man is
not with us any longer. But there is nothing to be done. For us,
everything is lost now and the only way left for us is the one which
Hitler chose. I shall follow his example'."[87]

On 1 May, within hours of Hitler's suicide on April 30, Goebbels
completed his sole official act as Chancellor of Germany
(Reichskanzler). He dictated a letter and ordered German General Hans
Krebs, under a white flag, to meet with General Vasily Chuikov and to
deliver his letter. Chuikov, as commander of the Soviet 8th Guards
Army, commanded the Soviet forces in central Berlin. Goebbels' letter
informed Chuikov of Hitler's death and requested a ceasefire, hinting
that the establishment of a National Socialist government hostile to
Western plutocracy would be beneficial to the Soviet Union, as the
betrayal of Himmler and Göring indicated that otherwise anti-Soviet
National Socialist elements might align themselves with the West. When
this was rejected, Goebbels decided that further efforts were futile.
[88] Shortly afterwards he dictated a postscript to Hitler's
testament:

"The Führer has given orders for me, in case of a breakdown of defense
of the Capital of the Reich, to leave Berlin and to participate as a
leading member in a government appointed by him. For the first time in
my life, I must categorically refuse to obey a command of the Führer.
My wife and my children agree with this refusal. In any other case, I
would feel myself… a dishonorable renegade and vile scoundrel for my
entire further life, who would lose the esteem of himself along with
the esteem of his people, both of which would have to form the
requirement for further duty of my person in designing the future of
the German Nation and the German Reich."[89]

Later on 1 May, Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss saw Goebbels for the last
time: "Before the breakout [from the bunker] began, about ten generals
and officers, including myself, went down individually to Goebbels's
shelter to say goodbye. While saying goodbye I asked Goebbels to join
us. But he replied: 'The captain must not leave his sinking ship. I
have thought about it all and decided to stay here. I have nowhere to
go because with little children I will not be able to make it'."[90]

At 8 p.m. on the evening of 1 May, Goebbels arranged for an SS doctor,
Helmut Kunz, to kill his six children by injecting them with morphine
and then, when they were unconscious, crushing an ampoule of cyanide
in each of their mouths.[91] According to Kunz's testimony, he gave
the children morphine injections but it was Magda Goebbels and
Stumpfegger, Hitler's personal doctor, who then administered the
cyanide.[92] Shortly afterwards, Goebbels and his wife went up to the
garden of the Chancellery, where they killed themselves. The details
of their suicides are uncertain. After the war, Rear-Admiral Michael
Musmanno, a U.S. naval officer and judge, published an account
apparently based on eye-witness testimony: "At about 8.15 p.m.,
Goebbels arose from the table, put on his hat, coat and gloves and,
taking his wife's arm, went upstairs to the garden." They were
followed by Goebbels's adjutant, SS-Hauptsturmführer Günther
Schwägermann. "While Schwägermann was preparing the petrol, he heard a
shot. Goebbels had shot himself and his wife took poison. Schwägermann
ordered one of the soldiers to shoot Goebbels again because he was
unable to do it himself."[93] One SS officer later said they each took
cyanide and were shot by an SS trooper. An early report said they were
machine-gunned to death at their own request. According to another
account, Joseph shot Magda and then himself. This idea is presented in
the movie Downfall.

The bodies of Goebbels and his wife were then burned in a shell
crater, but owing to the lack of petrol the burning was only partly
effective, and their bodies were easily identifiable. A few days
later, Voss was brought back to the bunker by the Soviets to identify
the partly burned bodies of Joseph and Magda Goebbels and the bodies
of their children. "Vice-Admiral Voss, being asked how he identified
the people as Goebbels, his wife and children, explained that he
recognised the burnt body of the man as former Reichsminister Goebbels
by the following signs: the shape of the head, the line of the mouth,
the metal brace that Goebbels had on his right leg, his gold NSDAP
badge and the burnt remains of his party uniform."[94] The remains of
the Goebbels family were secretly buried, along with those of Hitler,
near Rathenow in Brandenburg. In 1970, they were disinterred and
cremated, and the ashes thrown in the Elbe.

Joachim Fest writes: "What he seemed to fear more than anything else
was a death devoid of dramatic effects. To the end he was what he had
always been: the propagandist for himself. Whatever he thought or did
was always based on this one agonising wish for self-exaltation, and
this same object was served by the murder of his children... They were
the last victims of an egomania extending beyond the grave. However,
this deed, too, failed to make him the figure of tragic destiny he had
hoped to become; it merely gave his end a touch of repulsive
irony."[95]







http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/goebmain.htm

Nazi Propaganda by Joseph Goebbels

1933-1945



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



This is a collection of English translations of Nazi propaganda
material by Joseph Goebbels, part of a larger site on Nazi and East
German propaganda. It includes many of his weekly articles for Das
Reich, as well as a range of his speeches. Some of Goebbels' pre-1933
articles and speeches are available on the pre-1933 section of the
German Propaganda Archive. The portrait was done by Wilhelm Otto
Pitthan. For further information on the German Propaganda Archive, see
the FAQ.


--------------------------------------------------------------------------------



Nazi articles on Joseph Goebbels:

"Dr. Goebbels and his Ministry": A 1934 article by Hans Fritzsche.
Pictures of Goebbels speaking in 1935.
"On the Art of Speaking to the World": An introduction by an aide to
Goebbels' book Die Zeit ohne Beispiel. It presents the Propaganda
Minister in a flattering light.
Goebbels' speeches on the eve of the new year:

31 December 1933: Goebbels looks back on Nazism's first year.
31 December 1938: Goebbels reviews 1938 and complains about
complainers.
31 December 1939: Goebbels reviews 1939, and finds Germany innocent.
31 December 1940: Goebbels is optimistic...
31 December 1943: Despite the disasters of 1942, Goebbels predicts
German victory.
Goebbels' annual speeches on the eve of Hitler's birthday:

"Our Hitler" (1933)
(1934): No speech on Hitler. Instead, Goebbels delivered a speech on
the press.
"Our Hitler" (1935)
"Our Hitler" (1936)
"Our Hitler" (1937): Available in Landmark Speeches of National
Socialism.
"Our Hitler" (1938)
"Our Hitler" (1939)
"Our Hitler" (1940)
"Our Hitler" (1941)
"Our Hitler" (1942)
"Our Hitler" (1943)
"Our Hitler" (1944)
"Our Hitler" (1945)
Miscellaneous Speeches:

"German Women": Nazi views of women (March 1933).
"Radio as the Eighth Great Power": On radio (18 August 1933).
"The Racial Question and World Propaganda": Goebbels at the 1933
Nuremberg Rally.
Goebbels on Propaganda: His speech at the 1934 Nuremberg Rally.
Available in Landmark Speeches of National Socialism.
"Communism with the Mask Off": His1935 Nuremberg Rally Speech.
"The Coming Europe": The Czechs must get used to German occupation (11
September 1940).
"Youth and the War": The German youth are fortunate... (29 September
1940).
"Christmas, 1941": Goebbels says Germans have a lot to be thankful for
(24 December 1941).
Total War: The printed version of Goebbels's most famous speech (18
February 1943).
Total War: The spoken version. Available in Landmark Speeches of
National Socialism.
"The Winter Crisis is Over": Goebbels remains confident of German
victory (5 June 1943).
"In the Front Ranks": A memorial meeting for the victims of Allied
bombing raids (18 June 1943).
"Immortal German Culture": Opening a wartime art exhibition (26 June
1943).
A selection of Goebbels' articles:

"More Morality, Less Moralism": Goebbels wants freedom in the private
sphere (27 January 1934).
The Battle of the Pharus Hall: A 1927 battle in Berlin.
Adolf Hitler as a speaker: Goebbels praises his master.
"What Does America Really Want?": Goebbels is unhappy with the USA (21
January 1939).
"The Coffee Drinkers": An attack on those who are dissatisfied (11
March 1939).
"Great Days": Goebbels on the end of Czechoslovakia (18 March 1939).
"The Morals of the Rich": Britain has no right to complain about
Germany (25 March 1939).
"Children with their Hands Chopped Off": On British propaganda (24
June 1939).
"England's Guilt": Goebbels explains the reasons for World War II
(Fall, 1939).
"A Unique Age": Goebbels' first lead article for Das Reich (25 May
1940)
"Missed Opportunities": On the invasion of France (2 June 1940).
"Churchill's Lie Factory": Churchill, it seems, is guilty of the "big
lie." (12 January 1941).
"Winston Churchill": On Winston Churchill (2 February 1941).
"The Veil Falls": The invasion of the Soviet Union had just begin (6
July 1941).
"Mimicry": An attack on the Jews (20 July 1941).
"The Door to a New Era": On foreign press criticism (28 September
1941).
"The Matter of the Plague": Why Germans may not listen to the BBC (5
October 1941).
"When or How?": Goebbels on the war situation (9 November 1941).
"The Jews are Guilty": An attack on the Jews (16 November 1941).
"The Clay Giant": Why England will lose the war (23 November 1941).
"Roosevelt Cross-examined": Goebbels on FDR (30 November 1941).
"A Different World": The war after Pearl Harbor (21 December 1941).
"The New Year": On the outlook for 1942 (4 January 1942).
"The Good Companion": On German radio policy (1 March 1942).
"Churchill's Trick": Goebbels is happy with Winston Churchill (1 March
1942).
"An Open Discussion": Why food rations are being cut (29 March 1942).
"The Paper War": On bureaucracy and complaining during war (12 April
1942).
"Heroes and Film Heroes": Germans are better heroes than Americans (7
June 1942).
"The Air War and the War of Nerves": On British night bombing of
Germany (14 June 1942).
"The Tonnage War": Goebbels on the U-boats (21 June 1942).
"The So-called Russian Soul": The Russian soul is of inferior quality
(19 July 1942).
"God's Country": An unflattering portrait of the USA (9 August 1942).
"Don't Be Too Fair": Germans must be taught to hate (6 September
1942).
"What is at Stake": Encouraging determination to win the war (27
September 1942).
"The Optics of War": Preparing the public for Stalingrad (24 January
1943).
"The European Crisis": An anti-Semitic article (28 February 1943).
"The War and the Jews": Goebbels predicts the Jews will not survive
the war (9 May 1943).
"Morale as a Decisive Factor in War": Germany deserves to win (7
August 1943).
"The Realities of War": The war situation is favorable for Germany (22
August 1943).
"A Classic Example": The fall of Mussolini (19 September 1943).
"30 Articles of War for the German People": Support the war effort (26
September 1943).
"The New Year": An optimistic look to the future (2 January 1944).
"The Battle of Berlin": Goebbels discusses Allied bombing (13 February
1944).
"Why Are Things So Difficult for Us?": Germany's difficult situation
(9 April 1944) .
"Life Goes On": On Allied bombing, with a hint of the V-weapons (16
April 1944).
"The Background of the Invasion": A commentary on D-Day (18 June
1944).
"The Question of Revenge": The V-1 rocket bomb (23 July 1944).
"The Call of Duty": After the 20 July 1944 assassination attempt on
Hitler (6 August 1944).
"The Higher Law": Germany will win because it is morally superior (24
September 1944).
"The World Crisis": The other side has it just as bad (17 December
1944).
"The Creator of the World's Misfortunes": The last major anti-Semitic
essay (21 January 1945).
"The Year 2000": What will happen after Germany wins the war (25
February 1945).
"Fighters for the Eternal Reich": The Allies are near collapse,
Goebbels says (8 April 1945).
"Resistance at Any Price": Goebbels' final published article (22 April
1945).

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
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government to pursue a 'bold' policy on Kashmir. And on August 14 at
'Defence of Pakistan' ...

BBC News What freedom means in Kashmir
BBC News, UK - 6 Sep 2008
By Soutik Biswas The newspaper headlines in the mainly Muslim valley
in India-administered Kashmir say it all. 'Freedom is sweet, no matter
how it comes', ...
INDIA: Dialogue Missing as Kashmir Erupts Inter Press Service
Jammu and Kashmir at crossroads The Daily Star
The J&K Saga- Root Problem And Its Effective Solution
indiainteracts.com
all 67 news articles » BOM:532209

Welt Online Special Article
The Statesman, India - 19 hours ago
Anyone who imagined that Musharraf’s departure would improve daily
life in Pakistan one iota was always a better candidate for the loony
bin than for ...
Pakistan: Bhutto's shadow lingers as Zardari takes reins of power The
Observer
all 3,489 news articles »
Mahinda’s Anti – Tiger War and the Future of
The Island (subscription), Sri Lanka - 19 hours ago
According to some war analysts, the LTTE has so far mobilized only the
second grade fighters for their forward defence lines and have not
mobilized the ...

Zardari is Pak president
Deccan Herald, India - 18 hours ago
... a jailbird to the head of the state, facing challenges of battling
the rising militancy and economic woes and revitialising the Indo-Pak
relations. ...
‘We must get Kashmir out of the way’
Hindustan Times, India - 2 Sep 2008
Q) What does that mean for Indo-Pak relations? Will your back the
peace dialogue? We will not be behind the PPP. We’ll lead the PPP for
better relations and ...
India proposes Pak to open trade across LoC
Khabrein.info, India - 4 Sep 2008
Mukerjee said that improvement in the Indo-US ties has bi-partisan
support. ,He also said that since India's relationship with United
States is not one- ...
Pak cricket awaiting its chief patron
Daily News & Analysis, India - 5 Sep 2008
... the two countries and the Indian team's tour to Pakistan in 2004
after 14 years is still seen as a catalyst in breaking the ice in Indo-
Pak relations. ...

Voice of America CPI hopes Musharraf resignation won't affect Indo-Pak
ties
Press Trust of India, India - 18 Aug 2008
The party hoped that the democratic process in Pakistan and relations
with India will continue to improve "unhampered". PTI.
Musharraf – General failure? Zee News
:. Pakistan-Kashmir Relations Kashmir Watch
Resignation Pakistan’s internal matter: India Daily Times
Daily Pioneer - Webnewswire.com
all 382 news articles »

BBC News "Kabul embassy attack has cast shadow on Indo-Pak ties"
Hindu, India - 14 Aug 2008
He referred to the July 7 attack on Indian Embassy in Kabul and said
it has "cast a shadow over our efforts to normalise relations with
Pakistan and to ...
K-factor shadow on Indo-Pak ties again Daily News & Analysis
PM trains guns at Pak, terror from Red Fort Economic Times
all 565 news articles »

Thaindian.com Pak PM says he will remain Chief Executive even after
Zardari ...
Thaindian.com, Thailand - 2 Sep 2008
About Indo-Pak relations, Gilani said that talks with India were
continuing, and added that no compromises would be made on his
countrys national integrity. ...
Steps taken previously to improve Pak-India relations can be ...
Associated Press of Pakistan, Pakistan - 31 Aug 2008
Narayanan said Indo-Pak ties had seen a “fair degree” of progress
during former president Musharraf’s tenure and several “half cooked”
and “three-quarter ...
comment: What next? —Najmuddin A Shaikh
Daily Times, Pakistan - 21 Aug 2008
... made possible Vajpayee’s journey to Lahore and the Lahore
Declaration, thus lowering by many degrees the tension in Indo-Pak
relations. ...
Movie Review: Ramchand Pakistani
Daily Times, Pakistan - 22 Aug 2008
... meant to strengthen the recently acquired ‘friendly’ Indo-Pak
relations, by various film festivals on an national as well as
international front, ...
Isolation ends:
The Statesman, India - 19 hours ago
Like India, the USA was euphoric over the NSG denouement, which
followed months of high-voltage international lobbying by both
countries, with its acting ...
India gets the NSG waiver - At last!!!
Great Indian Mutiny, India - 6 Sep 2008
Some anxious moments before the US Congress give the green signal.
Political opposition parties in India cannot be expected to rise above
petty politics and ...
NSG waiver has to fit PM's word to parliament: Pranab Mangalorean.com
all 1,611 news articles »

Washington Post A Climate for Change
Washington Post, United States - 5 Sep 2008
In other words, to promote our own security, the United States and
other rich countries may have to forge a partnership with China, India
and others to ...
The Indian Left and the Indo-US Nuclear Deal
CounterPunch, CA - 3 Sep 2008
The Left’s opposition is not only to the violations of Indian state
sovereignty by this treaty, but mainly to the infeudation of India to
the US policy of ...
Cong talks tough, defends N-deal The Statesman
all 338 news articles »
National identity and national unity
The Island (subscription), Sri Lanka - 19 hours ago
The other factor which can push the war back into a state of stalemate
is India. Delhi’s Sri Lanka policy is shifting, against Sri
Lanka. ...
America and the world
Fiji Times, Fiji - 3 hours ago
Economic Policy Institute reported NAFTA cost USA one million jobs and
free trade with China led to a loss of more than 2.3 million jobs
since 2001, ...
Imperialism, China and Russia
Anarkismo.net - 4 hours ago
The United States sees China's policies as a seriously disturbing
factor on the strategic, economic and political scene in Africa, Asia
and Latin America, ...

WELT ONLINE Kashmir issue stands neglected
The Post, Pakistan - 4 Sep 2008
Hundreds of innocent people have laid their lives during the last few
weeks but there is no word of sympathy from those including the USA
and human rights ...
:. A Free Kashmir: Random Thoughts- XXVIII Kashmir Watch
all 633 news articles »

TopNews N-deal with India a priority: US
Times of India, India - 29 Aug 2008
On Tuesday, US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice said the nuke deal
was the "principal focus" of US' nuclear policy presently. ...
India nuke deal prime focus of US nuclear policy: Rice Times of India
all 384 news articles »
President to Lay the foundation stone of Greenfield Project of NTC ...
Press Information Bureau (press release), India - 5 Sep 2008
This scheme will be financed through interest free loans of Rs. 528
crore from the Government of India, and Rs. 4739 crore will accrue
from the sale of land ...