Dear Paul,
My best guess is that a "ban on space weapons" would go a long way.
Russia and China had re-proposed a comprehensive ban earlier this year to the UN security council.
The US in principle supports a ban, but says the Russia/China proposal is not acceptable because it does not include mechanisms for verification.
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The primary challenge facing the world is undertaking an orderly transition to practicable clean energy—with “clean energy” being energy that is sustainable with acceptable environmental harm or hazard. Absent being successful in undertaking such a transition, warfare to seize and/or control the world’s diminishing supplies of fossil carbon fuels will most likely erupt while at the same time the atmosphere’s CO2 concentration will climb to likely hazardous levels. The world needs to have transitioned to clean energy prior to this happening.
For a world of 10 billion to achieve a European middle-class standard of living powered by clean electrical power, each person will need about 7–9 kW of continuous electrical power depending on the proportion of the baseload to intermittent primary electrical power source. Thus, the world will need on the order of 70,000–90,000 GW of equivalent continuous clean primary electrical power generation capacity if we are to avoid devastating global war.
(Note that the U.S. per person clean energy need would be more than twice that of the EU. But that is a topic to discuss another time.)
It is infeasible to achieve this level of clean energy by relying on terrestrial renewable energy sources. Further, it would be unwise to consider doing this with nuclear fission power. Where would 70,000 1-GW nuclear power plants be built? Where would the 3X this in waste thermal energy be dumped into the environment?
Space(-based) space power supplied astroelectricity is the only feasible way to enable the world to undertake a transition to clean energy. A balance of 80 percent astroelectricity and 20 percent ground solar minimizes the land area needed.
As the world recognizes the need to change to astroelectricity, astroelectricity will become the new “oil” in terms of its geopolitical importance. This means that the control of access to space, settlement in space, utilization of the natural resources of space, and the building and operation of the space solar power platforms will be contested by those Great Powers and allies that seek world hegemony—specifically, China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea but also potentially some of other nations now off the radar screen by under the control of dictators.
To assure America’s future energy security and that of our allies and friends, the U.S. Space Command has the operational responsibility to deter and, if necessary, defeat aggression against the U.S. in space. This will require an offensive space warfighting capability for the same reasons we have offensive terrestrial warfighting capabilities. Such warfighting capabilities are the protectors of liberty. The notion that a proposal to ban space weapons is reasonable and rational disregards history and ignores the already fundamental space technological capabilities of nations that seek our destruction. Many already have the ability to wage space war.
Verification of a ban on space weapons is meaningless without an ability to, if needed, locate, identify, and destroy a threatening capability. Nations ignored treaties they signed banning nuclear weapons. Verification did not get rid of the banned weapons.
The proper path forward for the U.S. is twofold.
First, establish a robust national astrologistics program to make the U.S. (and its allies and friends) true leaders in opening space to true commercial human operations with all of the appropriate “duty to care” safety obligations this involves. This will enable American leadership in undertaking space solar power.
Second, provide U.S. Space Command with a true manned space warfighting operational capability to (1) undertake “special missions” needed to, with minimal force, protect U.S. interests in space and protect the U.S. from attack from space, and (2) to have a “Space Guard” capability to render assistance to U.S. (and allies and friends) human space operations while enforcing applicable space law.
My best regards,
Mike Snead, PE
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Amalie,
I do not wish to be disrespectful, but your presumptions of peaceful existence with tyrants is well proven to be unsupported by history and current events. I have seen comparable wishful and, in my opinion, naïve statements for a half-century. Yet, it has only been American resolve and militarily technological and operational superiority that has maintained some semblance of world peace.
The clear way to disprove my disbelief in your path is to show your path works somewhere by returning liberty to those who are now at the mercy of tyrants or under constant threat of losing their current American-enabled liberty to threatening tyrants.
Amalie,
NASA was created as a consequence of vital national security priorities within the Eisenhower administration in 1953–60. At that time, the Apollo program of the scale undertaken by Kennedy was not foreseen.
When Eisenhower became president in 1953, his first national security priority was to protect against a nuclear “Pearl Harbor” attack by the Soviet Union—a tyrannical regime that had stolen the liberty of millions in Europe after World War II. The Soviets were aggressively trying to catch up with the U.S. in terms of nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them.
Eisenhower tried to convince the Soviets to not pursue a nuclear arms race. He made several offers, including at the UN, to enable mutual observation and verification—all rejected by the Soviets. As it became clear that there was no peaceful path forward with the Soviets through agreements, Eisenhower initiated multiple top secret (black) programs to be able to surveil the Soviets to determine the degree of their nuclear capabilities. This involved unmanned surveillance balloon flights across the extensive Soviet Union, launched from Europe—technically an act of war. This also involved the development of the U-2 and SR-71 spy planes. It involved the development of the B-52 strategic nuclear bombers. Finally, it involved surveillance satellites, the means to launch them into orbit, and versions of these launch systems to be used as ICBMs (land-based) and Intermedia-Range Ballistic Missiles (IRBMs) to be forwarded deployed to NATO. This was what a war-experienced president believed necessary to deter aggression by a strong tyrannical enemy.
In the early 1950s, an International Geophysical Year was proposed for 1957–58 with the intent to launch the first scientific satellites into LEO. The U.S. Navy was given the lead on this. Why? Because the Army under Von Braun was developing the IRBMs and the Air Force was developing everything else. Also, Von Bran carried the stigma of his German World War II work under that German tyrant.
The U.S. Navy was tasked to develop a non-military expendable launch system to deploy a small scientific satellite to orbit. The Navy had initially taken an interest in rockets after WW II, but this did not go anywhere other than scientific efforts. Thus, their work was outside the sphere of carefully guarded military capabilities being developed by the Air Force and Army.
In the late 1940s and early 1950s, the potential use of satellites for surveillance was well understood. However, a military satellite overflight would be perceived as an act of war just as if a military aircraft overflew a nation without permission. Hence, it became a national policy to let the Soviets be the first to orbit a satellite to establish a new international law precedent that orbital flight was alone not an act of war. Thus, the responsibility to launch an American satellite was given to the Navy but with no funding priority. This meant that doing work for the Army and Air Force came first from contractors and suppliers. The Navy effort creeped along as was intended.
Von Braun lobbied heavily to be given the IGY launch responsibility. He even worked to develop a small scientific satellite for this purpose. But he was told to not pursue this. In fact, when he was launching rockets to test warhead reentry materials, his rockets were inspected on the launch pad to make sure they would not “accidentally” achieve orbital velocity. The Air Force also lobbied to do this job but were told to keep out because of the black nature of their work.
The Soviets developed their first ICBM and in late 1957 used it to launch the first two satellites—Sputnik I and II. This was not a surprise to the U.S. government. In fact, the Soviets were in Washington DC at the time telling everyone of their upcoming IGY launch. What caught Eisenhower by surprise was the American public’s fearful response to the Soviet success. Anyone with a shortwave radio could hear the satellite going overhead. Public fears of a Soviet nuclear attack were already a political issue being raised by people such as a young senator named Kennedy. When Eisenhower dismissed the Soviet launch as unimportant, this brought substantial political backlash.
The Navy attempted to launch their satellite, but the rocket blew up on the pad, live on national TV. Von Braun then stepped forward to propose using a modified version of one of his rockets with his small satellite to launch America’s first satellite. This he successfully did. America was in the “space race”.
While like the first American satellite, the first Soviet satellite was quite small, the second was substantial. It demonstrated that the Soviets had an ICBM capable of launching a nuclear weapon to strike the US. The talk of a missile gap and a nuclear Pearl Harbor suddenly became quite real.
The immediate knee-jerk move was to create what became DARPA to consolidate space efforts. However, to try to prevent a military space race, Eisenhower moved to expand the long-established National Advisory Committee for Aeronautics into the National Aeronautics and Space Administration as a civilian institution. With the focus of nuclear deterrence being with the Air Force’s ICBM work, along with their work on surveillance satellites (still black), he chose to use Von Braun’s Army effort to establish NASA. In the process, NASA took over manned space capsule work then underway in the Air Force. (The Air Force had also proposed a manned lunar landing program for the 1960s. At the same time, the Air Force was beginning development of the DynaSoar military spaceplane.)
NASA came into existence because the Navy failed, because the Air Force was up-to-their-chin in air and space development activities, and because it was Eisenhower’s last shot at preventing a military space race. It was his wishful thinking.
Kennedy, in part, won the 1960 election because he fed the public alarm over a Soviet missile superiority over the US. CIA U-2 flights over the Soviet Union disproved this. Nixon, as Vice President, knew that Kennedy’s assertions were untrue but it was all top secret. Kennedy didn’t care. When he became president, within months he green-lighted the CIA “Bay of Pigs” fiasco. Then within weeks, the Soviet placed a man into orbit. NASA had yet to achieve anything. Finally, Alan Shephard, aboard a converted Army IRBM, flew a suborbital mission. With the prestige of his administration on the line, Kennedy did a “Hail Mary” proposal for a manned lunar landing program within a decade. When Johnson became president, the nature of Kennedy’s death turned the Apollo program into national public obsession. Yet, Johnson noted that it provided the cover needed to advance the military space capabilities needed to surveil the Soviet Union and provide a successful nuclear deterrence.
Under Von Braun and his German team’s leadership and U.S. military pilots, NASA succeeded with the Apollo program. They then went on to undertake Skylab. They then technologically overreached with the Space Shuttle. After the loss of Challenger, NASA had been steadily declining in demonstrated manned spaceflight capabilities.
I’ve included a map of German V-2 hits on England in the final six months of the war. Had the V-2 guidance been better, these attacks, concentrated on the embarkation locations, would have ended the Allied invasion. Eisenhower acknowledged this after the war. Space has been a means of waging war since 1944. Space was foreseen as a means of waging war since the 1930s. It is still being used for this purpose in attacking Israel and Ukraine.
Opening space to the permanent human settlement needed to undertake space solar power will require an operationally safe and effective astrologistics capability. NASA has no interest or experience with this. For the first time in American history, a key national logistics capability—the Space Shuttle—was ended without a better replacement capability being brought into operation. They are about to do the same with the ISS. They have no acceptably safe means of transporting “passengers” to space. (“Passenger” is a specific legal term.) Their lunar logistics architecture is very poor and lacks assured capabilities—something that the Air Force lunar program of the late 1950s included.
NASA “won” the civilian space race in the 1970s but has been steadily losing it ever since, especially after Challenger. The NASA name of the badge they wear is more important than what they accomplish, it appears to me. I have worked directly with them going back to the 1980s.
My best regards,
Mike Snead, PE
From: Amalie Sinclair <ana...@yahoo.com>
Sent: Saturday, August 31, 2024 6:14 AM
To: 'Paul Werbos' <paul....@gmail.com>; 'Amalie Sinclair' <amalie....@gmail.com>; james...@aol.com
Amalie,
With the cost of the war in Vietnam climbing in the early 1960s, I do not see that the substantial funding for the Apollo program would have continued had Kennedy not been killed. I also believe John supported it to support his election in 1964 as showing that he was not abandoning this Kennedy legacy. By 1968, most of the money had been spent.
What substantial technological or useful operational accomplishments have arisen from the ISS effort other than its care and feeding that were not first demonstrated in Skylab?
The US means to surveil the Soviet Union from space were very deep black programs, I am led to believe. The Apollo program likely provided cover to explain away what was being done in secret by elements of the government and by their contractors and vendors. Little was publicly known of these programs in the 1960s. Even the satellites used were not put on public display until just in the last decade.
In a preceding post I provided examples of how paper agreements are meaningless. Peace is obtained and liberty assured through American military strength. It has been this way since World War II.
I have included a 1981 Congressional Office of Net Assessment review of the work done by NASA and DOE on space solar power. It identifies several of the significant threats to the US and its allies and friends should an enemy country first develop SSP. Many of the capabilities necessary to undertake SSP have substantial military space power projection capabilities. The U.S. will not share these technologies with potential adversaries as this would threaten the United States. We made a mistake in partnering with Russia on the ISS, IMO. It was done to save the Shuttle after the loss of Challenger. It was NASA looking after NASA.
What was the primary obstacle to undertaking SSP in the 1980s? Ineffective astrologistics. At that time, America did not have the technological mastery to do this. Now we do but it is being ignored and spurned.
NASA has no useful operational logistics expertise or experience and poor systems engineering and program management expertise as demonstrated by the frailty of its attempts to establish an operational “return to the Moon” program. The first step in building any practicable astrologistics capability is to provide acceptable safe passenger transport to and from LEO and to establish robust LEO capabilities. I have attached a paper explaining how I would do this. This is based on concepts I developed 20 years ago. Note that this was published in a DOD Journal.
Through personal engagement with NASA going back to the 1980s, they have blocked efforts by the Air Force (not the Space Force) to develop passenger spaceplane travel to and from LEO. This has happened at least four times.
Amalie,
The primary role of the U.S. military is to defend the United States for observed, predictable, and likely threats. This includes physical threats, biological threats, and cyber threats. The preferred method is a robust defense to that stops attacks or deters attacks once the method of attack is proven worthless. However, such robust defenses do not spring forth overnight. Achieving this requires a robust and carefully focused military research and development “complex”.
The second method of defense is to be able to undertake an indefensible counterattack capable of devastating the enemy. This was the method used during the Cold War to deter the feared Soviet nuclear Pearl Harbor. History shows that this worked both in preventing such an attack and in preventing the use of Soviet nuclear blackmail to achieve other aims. (Note that the U.S. has substantially invested in active defenses against nuclear missile attack to move this threat into the firs category of defensive operations.)
Attached is a composite image of the commercial airline flights above the U.S. on any morning or afternoon. Typically, more than 5000 aircraft, carrying upwards of a million people, are flying at any one time above just the U.S. The public flies with extraordinary safety and operational efficiency (on most days). They do this through a wide range of weather conditions. With little worry, we send our older children to fly to see relatives and such because of the demonstrated acceptable safety of this form of passenger transportation.
How did this come about? Did an “Elon Musk” do this? No. Did this come from the Soviets? No. Did it come from the strictly commercial U.S. aviation industry? No. This jet-powered wonder arose from military R&D that began in Britain and Germany prior to World War II and, following the war, was taken over and accelerated by the U.S. Air Force as the military “jet race” began at the beginning of the Cold War in the late 1940s.
Virtually every technology that underpins what makes America today modern, arose from government investment in the enabling R&D, with most coming from military-directed R&D. America’s ability now as a nation to undertake the development of space solar power to lead the world in peacefully transitioning to clean energy is almost entirely the result of enabling military R&D after World War II. Had there been a more effective means of speeding the development of advanced technologies, they would have superseded the military-led efforts. Thus, while America has remained free of attack, our “military-industrial complex” has been at the heart of advancing America’s overall technological capabilities, its standard of living, and its increasing economic prosperity. This didn’t come from Facebook or Amazon.
We are already in a space cold war. That is happening from clear efforts by North Korea, Iran, and Russia to normalize the use of ballistic missiles for conventional warfare. It is also underway through the development of new space weapons such as the threatened deployment of orbiting nuclear weapons by Russia and the Chinese testing of a ballistic missile launched hypersonic weapon.
Attached is an actual Soviet space laser system that they developed and launched in 1987. It was intended to defeat an American space-based ballistic missile defense system. A malfunction during launch destroyed the laser system. The Russians still possess this technology.
Just who is playing “pinball with humanity”? To me, it appears to be the same evil countries that you wish to normalize relations with to develop space solar power. I see no benefit to America to pursue such an approach.
My best regards,
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Amalie,
I generally agree with your use of “normalization”. But this is just the “tip” of the issues being discussed.
Take for example commercial shipping through the South Cina Sea. The process of commercial shipping is well “normalized” in terms of how this form of ocean transportation is done. Agreements for commercial shipping under the banner of “freedom of navigation” have been well accepted international law for a very long time. Yet, this has not stopped the aggressive efforts of China to take control of the South China Sea.
China is conducting similar “illegal” operations with respect to fishing.
Is the UN stopping such Chinese transgressions of international law?