The last female emperor of Nara Japan was Kōken/Shōtoku Tennō, who ruled from 749 to 770, with an interregnum from 758 to 764. She was the last in a series of six ancient empresses regnant in Japan, who ruled, interspersed with male royals, from 592 to 770. These female sovereigns were designated as 'Tennō' in the chronicles, a term normally translated as 'Emperor.' She was a powerful ruler, an adroit politician who overcame three challenges to her rule by male members of the nobility. After her death, female emperors took the throne only twice more, many years later in the 17th and 18th century when the imperial house was completely dominated by the military rulers, the Tokugawa shoguns. This study is a narrative of the period of her reign. It is a companion to my five volumes of translation from the Shoku Nihongi, published from 2015-2016. The book has minimal bibliographic notes and is intended as an introduction for Western readers; scholars may consult my translations for a more detailed account. It is dedicated to Kimoto Yoshinobu, the expert on the Fujiwara in the 8th century.
Table of Contents
Kōken’s Reign, 749-757
The Junnin Interregnum and the Nakamaro Supremacy, 758-783
The Fall of Nakamaro and the Rise of Dōkyō, 764-766
The Dōkyō Supremacy and the Death of the Empress, 767-770
Appendix 1: Shoku Nihongi
Appendix 2: Imperial Edicts – Senmyō, Choku, and Shō
Selected Bibliography
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Cool, Dr. Bender. This medievalist of the West will gladly order the
book! Fitting tribute for all your work on the topic (and these precious
translations).
Philippe Buc
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Hello:For what it's worth, Marc Bloch in FEUDAL SOCIETY, p. 468, compares Japan's Chinese-style state of 645-900 to the Carolingian Empire of Charlemagne et al. That would make Japan's so-called "ancient age" 古代 into the first part of the medieval period in Europe. This has always made sense to me. To me, Japan has no "ancient age".Forgive the excursion into periodization!Wayne
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Hi everyone,
I think Wayne makes some excellent points, which is perhaps not
surprising since I learned how to think about periodization from
Wayne! We might also consider regional variations when "slicing
and dicing" history in different ways. Certain conditions might
begin or end along different timelines in different regions. For
instance, I'm of the opinion that what we would consider Sengoku
historical circumstances within Kai Province last from ca. 1417 to
1569 - so "Warring States" or "war in the provinces" could be said
to start earlier and end sooner there than in other provinces
perhaps.
As is always the case, your periodization needs to match your argument.
Best,
Elijah Bender, PhD History Department Concordia College
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About how we label time—with apologies for taking up too much here myself:
One need not be a Hegelian or a Marxist to assume that time is going somewhere. The ancients (as it were) famously spoke of degenerating ages: gold, silver, bronze, heroic, and iron. The Jewish prophets and the Christians turn it around and speak of an age of redemption, cf. St. Paul’s tò pléroma toû chrónou ‘the fullness of time’.
Still, one finds oneself assuming that in “pre-modern” times, before all sorts of gadgets were invented, the world was seen as somehow changeless. Of Hermann Hesse’s Narziß und Goldmund, Thomas Mann writes: “(der Roman)…scheint in einer mitteralterlichen Zeitlosigkeit zu schweben.” The keyword here is surely “scheint”: The novel is “historical” enough to include the plague, while appealing, via Hesse’s beautiful language, to many a reader’s love of the “timeless” medieval fairytale.
How we describe large chunks of time is surely arbitrary, partly because we can never really ever be “back there,” but mostly because, unable to know the future, we can only have a limited perspective on our own era.
I wonder whether Japanese young people today still toss around houken-teki (封建的) ‘feudalistic’ to describe their hopelessly mean and old-fashioned parents, usually fathers. (Even when I was still young, I disliked the label, indicative, I thought, of a smugly ill-informed knowledge of history.)
At the beginning of The Tale of Genji, the widowed mother of His Majesty’s beloved, Genji’s mother is described as: いにしへの人のよし , which can be taken to be mean both that she comes from an old family and that she has what comes with that: an old-fashioned view of the world. (René Sieffert translates the phrase “personne d’antique vertu.”) She sees her daughter as one deserving to be treated as an equal to other ladies. Ah, but as a trend-conscious courtier points out in the next chapter, families rise and fall.
So it is quite possible to attribute to Heian-period Japanese a sense of changing times without imagining anyone uttering: “Oh, lighten up, dear! You’re living in the Nara period!”
I say all of this because even though the word modern is hardly “modern,” albeit with changing senses (Shakespeare, for example, uses it in the sense of ‘commonplace, ordinary’), it tends to carry in our time rather heavily “modern” ideological baggage, and so I squirm a bit when I see it used in translations of, uh, pardon me, pre-modern literature.
In the Genji, ima-meki, corresponding rather interestingly to (apparently) outmoded slangish naui of half a century ago, occurs with some frequency. It’s interesting how various translators render the phrase. There’s also ima-yau (今様), which appears, for example, in Chapter 46 (Shii ga Moto), where the aged and reclusive Eighth Prince thinks to himself how splendid it would be (however unlikely) if one of his daughters should marry Kaoru—and draws comparisons: まいて今やうの心浅からむ人をば、いかでかは... Waley: “…for had he shown a disposition to flirt with the girls in the way most modern young men would have done, one would have ceased to feel the same confidence in him.” Royall Tyler’s rendition is surely much to be preferred: “…and I cannot imagine any of the light-minded young men so common nowadays.” René Sieffert: “…et comment lui-même pouvait-il accepter l’un de ces jeunes gens à la mode, à l’esprit superficiel?”
In Chapter 4 (Waka-murasaki), where Genji seeks to take charge of ten-year-old Murasaki, those looking after her react in shock and horror: “あなあ、今めかし...” ! I must say that I like Maria Teresa Orsi’s rendition: “Ah, questi giovani d’oggi!” ‘Oh, the youth of today!” It reminds me very much of a phrase often heard half a century ago in Germany, as uttered by members of a disgusted (and, uh, somewhat forgetful) older generation: “Ach, die Jugend von heute!” (Yes, such a wicked lot!) In the same chapter, a high-ranking prelate describes young Genji as having “blessed with his birth the pitiful Land of the Rising Sun, in this time of degradation,” i.e. 末法. (I must say that if someone were trying to walk off with my ten-year-old grand-niece, I might bit more circumspect in my praise.)
Perhaps the future is not so unimaginable after all. I can well imagine Genji warming up to the モガ of the 1920s, with their bobbed hair and flapper skirts, though I’ll admit that he might find the cigarette smoke a rather odd sort of incense.
Charles De Wolf
Dear colleagues,
Further to periodisation, I just recently set out my thoughts on it
in the introduction to the history of Japanese religions that I'm
desperately trying to finish off. It wouldn't be quite right to copy
that in here just now, but I wanted to say that I do very much agree
with the approach of having flexibility depending on what you are
talking about, and I apply it. And at the same time, it's probably
helpful to readers (in this case mainly non-specialists I think) to
show how what one is doing fits wth the conventional Japanese
designations.
best wishes,
Michael Pye