Maigre Feasts or Abstinence Rites

77 views
Skip to first unread message

Ross Bender

unread,
Mar 2, 2023, 10:22:23 AM3/2/23
to pmjs
In translating Shoku Nihongi I have long used the term 'abstinence rites' to translate the term  斎 when it is used to indicate ceremonies especially, but not only, for deceased sovereigns at Buddhist temples. In one case in 756 it is given as 'omoigami忌御斎.  At first I was using 'maigre feasts' which was Reischauer's translation in Ennin's diary, but someone, I forget whom, advised me to use abstinence rites. Now that I am revisiting the issue, it seems that 'abstinence rites' doesn't convey the meaning of some sort of meal. The term is obviously polyvalent. 

I'm sure that someone on this list has confronted the problem, and I'd be curious to know what others have used. 

Thanks,
Ross Bender


Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 2, 2023, 1:39:29 PM3/2/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ross and All,

This is such an interesting question. Finding the right nuance to translations of the various ritual elements of memorial rites is indeed a challenge. As you’ve already noted about the polyvalence of 斎 , there doesn’t seem to be one generic term that will suffice for all cases, and one has to take the context (and time period) into consideration. For 忌御斎 I wonder if memorial feast would work? Or perhaps memorial vegetarian feast?

I look forward to reading suggestions from others on this list.

Best wishes,
Lisa Kochinski

PhD Candidate (Japanese Religions)
University of Southern California

--
PMJS is a forum dedicated to the study of premodern Japan.
To post to the list, email pm...@googlegroups.com
For the PMJS Terms of Use and more resources, please visit www.pmjs.org.
Contact the moderation team at mod...@pmjs.org
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "PMJS: Listserv" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to pmjs+uns...@googlegroups.com.
To view this discussion on the web visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/pmjs/CAMEQgpHyY93UsyqxcCqqh91U982iGprXnku-J_5%3D_1B02OjawQ%40mail.gmail.com.
--
Lisa Kochinski


携帯電話から送信
Sent from my mobile

Michael Pye

unread,
Mar 2, 2023, 7:04:16 PM3/2/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ross,
Indeed, a facinating question which often ocurred to me when
reading de Visser's *Ancient Buddhism in Japan*, the word maigre not
being widely used in English.
I think we are referring to a non-sumptuous meal served in
connection with Buddhist rites. Calling the meal a rite in itself is
perhaps a jot or tittle too far. So the word "repast" could be part of
the solution. Being non-sumptuous it is presumably meatless, and so
the word "vegetarian" leaps to mind. However the food was perhaps not
fully and truly vegetarian, so the expression could be a little
intrusive.
If meatlessness is to be emphasised, then "meatless repast" would
do, but rather than meatlessness per se, I imagine it is the tasteful
slightness of the ritualised meal which counts. Meagre is ok for the
French maigre (also linked to German mager, as in Magermilch etc). It
suggests both the thinness of the materials and the modesty of the
servings (and hence was used to refer to Friday food in Catholicism.
My suggestion is therefore: "a meagre repast". That is not
necessarily a technical term, I admit, but in the context,
occasionally repeated, it could more or less become one. It should fit
smoothly into sentences where it occurs.
best wishes
Michael (Pye)


Zitat von Ross Bender <rosslyn...@gmail.com>:

> In translating *Shoku Nihongi* I have long used the term 'abstinence rites'
> to translate the term 斎 when it is used to indicate ceremonies especially,
> but not only, for deceased sovereigns at Buddhist temples. In one case in
> 756 it is given as '*omoigami*' 忌御斎. At first I was using 'maigre feasts'
> which was Reischauer's translation in Ennin's diary, but someone, I forget
> whom, advised me to use abstinence rites. Now that I am revisiting the
> issue, it seems that 'abstinence rites' doesn't convey the meaning of some
> sort of meal. The term is obviously polyvalent.
>
> I'm sure that someone on this list has confronted the problem, and I'd be
> curious to know what others have used.
>
> Thanks,
> Ross Bender
>
> --
> PMJS is a forum dedicated to the study of premodern Japan.
> To post to the list, email pm...@googlegroups.com
> For the PMJS Terms of Use and more resources, please visit www.pmjs.org.
> Contact the moderation team at mod...@pmjs.org
> ---
> You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google
> Groups "PMJS: Listserv" group.
> To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it,
> send an email to pmjs+uns...@googlegroups.com.
> To view this discussion on the web visit
> https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/pmjs/CAMEQgpHyY93UsyqxcCqqh91U982iGprXnku-J_5%3D_1B02OjawQ%40mail.gmail.com.



.................................................................................................................
Professor of the Study of Religions (em.), University of Marburg, Germany

Raji Steineck

unread,
Mar 2, 2023, 7:04:29 PM3/2/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ross, Lisa, and all,

the German language has the useful word: "Fastenmahl" for occasions like this, which could be combined with "festlich" or "rituell" to add the notion of a feast or rite. I even found "Fasten-Festmahl" on a Swiss Roman Catholic website. They apparently still do this.

Yours,

Raji

Von: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com> im Auftrag von Lisa Kochinski <lis...@gmail.com>
Gesendet: Donnerstag, 2. März 2023 19:35
An: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com>
Betreff: Re: [PMJS] Maigre Feasts or Abstinence Rites
 

Jacqueline I. Stone

unread,
Mar 2, 2023, 11:27:57 PM3/2/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

The term  has undergone some semantic shifting and can actually have both meanings that Dr. Bender notes. Please see Yi Ding’s “Transformation of Poṣadha/Zhai in Early Medieval China,” Buddhist Studies Review 36.1 (2019), available at academia.edu.

 

Best wishes,

Jackie Stone

--

Ross Bender

unread,
Mar 3, 2023, 7:53:53 PM3/3/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Yi Ding's article is an exhaustive analysis of the development of the term from Vedic practices into early Buddhism then into medieval Chinese practices. But his conclusion demonstrates how extremely polyvalent it is:

"Third, although a feast as the mainstay of a zhai event provides the initial focal

point of lay-monastic interaction and perhaps the main reason for the participants

to be present, the entire event as a long-running program could involve rituals that

were not necessarily related to the poşada/zhai. During the early medieval period,

it became increasingly possible for a zhai event to incorporate other ritual elements,

including praying, the pronouncement of vows, preaching, exorcism, meditation,

repentance, donation, recitation, memorial services, ordination, or even

self-immolation. allowed it to eventually morph into a host of public liturgies that carry the vestigial genre label zhai."


(25) The Transformation of Poṣadha/Zhai in Early Medieval China (third-sixth centuries CE) | Yi (Allan) Ding - Academia.edu


It is not at all clear from the portions of Shoku Nihongi that I've translated what exactly was involved in the rite. In a Buddhist sense, it most often has to do with memorial observances, such as for Retired Female Emperor Jitō, or Emperor Shōmu.  Thus for example 斎大会 or  斎会之儀.


 But it is also used in Shinto contexts, most notably for the Ise Abstinence Maiden  -- 斎王, or 斎宮 itsuki no miya. Her abstinence refers not to vegetarianism, but to celibacy. There is also something known as the   神斎賀事 kamuiwai no yogoto, recited by the Izumo Miyatsuko on his ritual visits to court. There is one interesting reference to a Shinto shrine, the 

月斎社 tsukimatsuri yashiro.


Which all goes to show, I suppose, that there is no easy way to translate the term   in all its many contexts. But my feeling at this point is that the sense has more to do with some sort of abstinence, than simply a meal for Buddhist priests.


As for German terms, there is Fastnachtdienstag -- meaning Shrovetide or Mardi Gras, or Fat Tuesday. In some German-American traditions the doughnuts made for the occasion are in fact termed "Fastnachts." Fastnachts Donut Recipe Pennsylvania Dutch - No Plate Like Home


Ross Bender


Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 4, 2023, 8:10:33 PM3/4/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Dr. Bender,

 

This is a topic I was interested in my research several years ago.  Please let me write down things I remember that I think are relevant to your inquiry.  Shōmu’s funerary and commemorative rites were ground-breaking in many areas in early Japanese religious history – esp. in relationship to the newly built Tōdaiji.   My reading of the words in question, which I believe follows a standard reading adopted by specialists of early Japanese historical documents, differs from yours a bit.  To put the words in the context of the former Emperor Shōmu’s passing earlier this year, I give my rendition of the longer passages that includes the words as below.

 

勅す。明年の国忌御斎はまさに東大寺に設くべし。その大仏殿の歩廊はよろしく

六道諸国に造営せしめて、忌日に合わすべし。怠緩すべからず。

 

The word 御斎 in the first half of the Nara period historical documents means the seventh day commemorative rite (first 7th to the 49th)  for emperors.  The earliest recorded example of 御斎 is the one for the female emperor Jitō.  Her 14th day ritual was performed on the 5th day of the first month of Taihō 3 (703) at four major temples, and the 49th day rite at thirty-three temples.  Some textbooks wrongly put the date of her death as the first month of Taihō 3, but that was when her 御斎 was performed.  She died on the 22nd day of the twelfth month of Taihō 2. 

 

What’s unique about the passage above is that the edict is saying that the 御斎for Shōmu was to be held one year after his death.  This is the first known example of the 御斎 being observed for emperor one year after his/her death  --  And that event was to be observed as 国忌, that is the particularly important funerary and commemorative rites reserved for highly ranked imperial family members and courtiers that are observed as the rite of mourning for the entire nation.  During the 国忌  all the work and services of the court were halted (hence, “abstinence rites”).  By early Heian period there were too many 国忌 days, so that the court decided to limit and narrow down the occasions of 国忌 rather drastically.

 

To glorify Shōmu, the court did other unique things for his funerary ritual.  What I remember among these is the addition of the Chinese style exorcists 方相氏in the funeral in accordance of Zhao Rites (周礼).  As the venue to perform for the first time the one year commemorative rite for the deceased Shōmu, both as 国忌 and 御斎、the edict was intended to elevate the prestige of Tōdaiji.  The walkway 歩廊to be built around the Daibutus Hall was for the monks to perform the ritual of 行香 (the monks’ ritual processions around the hall or from one hall to another in the temple precinct).  行香 is one of the two major rituals that made up the ceremony of 国忌, the other was 設斎 (providing vegetarian meals to monks).

 

With best,

Ryūichi Abé

Ross Bender

unread,
Mar 5, 2023, 12:39:22 AM3/5/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abe,

Thank you very much for taking the time to comment, and especially to share your information about Shōmu’s commemorative rites. 

The locution  国忌御斎 is indeed unique to Shōmu, in the passage you quoted. It is found nowhere else in Rikkokushi to the best of my knowledge. But the term Ōmiogami 忌御斎, as it is glossed in the SNKBT Shoku Nihongi, occurs nine times. Twice in 756 and once in 757 it refers to Shōmu’s rites. Then in 761 it is used in reference to Empress Kōmyō天平宝字五年(七六一)六月己卯【廿六】...以供奉皇太后周忌御斎也。It is also found in the years 773, 782, 790, and twice in 881.

 Actually, I am now in the process of translating the earlier years of Shoku Nihongi, and this is what I have found regarding the death and commemoration of Jitō:

《大宝二年(七〇三)十二月乙巳(十三)》乙巳。太上天皇不予。大赦天下。度一百人出家。令四畿内講金光明経。

Taihō 2.12.13 [January 4, 703]

The Retired Female Emperor Jitō fell ill. There was a Great Amnesty throughout the realm. One hundred men were allowed to enter the Buddhist priesthood. The Golden Light Sutra was ordered to be read in the four home provinces.

《大宝二年(七〇三)十二月甲寅(廿二)》甲寅。太上天皇崩。遺詔。勿素服挙哀。内外文武官釐務如常。喪葬之事、務従倹約。

Taihō 2.12.22 [January 13, 703]

The Retired Female Emperor Jitō died. There was a posthumous edict to the effect that mourning clothing and laments were not necessary. Civil and military officials inside and outside the capital were to conduct business as usual. The funeral ceremonies were to be simple.

《大宝二年(七〇三)十二月丁巳(廿五)》丁巳。設斎於四大寺。

Taihō 2.12.25 [January 16, 702]

Abstinence rites[1] in the four great temples.

《大宝三年(七〇三)正月丁卯(五)》丁卯。奉為太上天皇。設斎于大安。薬師。元興。弘福四寺。

Taihō 3.1.5 [January 26, 703]

Abstinence rites were held at Daianji, Yakushiji, Gangoji, and Gufukuji for the late Retired Female Emperor Jitō.

《大宝三年(七〇三)二月癸卯(十一)》癸卯。是日、当太上天皇七七。遣使四大寺及四天王・山田等卅三寺。設斎焉。」大宰史生、更加十員。

Taihō 3.2.11 [March 3, 703]

This day being the forty-ninth day after the death of Retired Female Emperor Jitō, messengers were sent to the four great temples and thirty-three temples including Shitennōji and Yamadadera to command abstinence rituals.



[1]sai. The term is polyvalent and can also mean a Buddhist vegetarian meal, sometimes translated as ‘maigre feast.’

One of the fascinating aspects surrounding her death is that, although she was the first monarch to be cremated, the practice of reading eulogies at the mogari no miya 殯宮  (which I translate as 'temporary imperial mortuary') was still current. As far as I know, this was the end of the system of 'double burial.' 

I see that you do use the translation of 'providing vegetarian meals for monks' for 設斎. As I have noted, the question of whether to use this or simply 'abstinence rites' still vexes me.  

 Again, thank you for commenting on this intriguing topic.


Ross Bender

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 5, 2023, 2:23:12 AM3/5/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ross,

This has been a very interesting thread and, as always, I have learned so much. Thank you keeping the thread going and sharing your translations.

If I may, I’d like to ask about the translation of part of the Taihō 2 (703) 2.13 record:
度一百人出家 which you translate as:
One hundred men were allowed to enter the Buddhist priesthood.

Specifically, what I am wondering about is whether we can be sure that 人 means only men. Is it not possible that the record could have referred to female as well as to male renunciants? 

The reason I ask is that Lori Meeks highlights the large role played by women in Buddhism in Japan between the 6th and 8th centuries, and she cites a 642 entry in Nihon Shoki that records 569 female renunciants and 816 male renunciants. Although Shōmu’s edict establishing the kokubunji and kokubunniji was not promulgated until 741, Meeks notes that it had become common to build monasteries and nunneries as paired sets by the end of the 7th century.
Lori Meeks, “Nuns and Laywomen in East Asian Buddhism,” in The Wiley Blackwell Companion to East and Inner Asian Buddhism, ed. Mario Poceski (2014), p. 325. (The PDF of this chapter can be found on Lori’s Academia.edu page.)

I look forward to your hearing your thoughts on this.

Best regards,
Lisa Kochinski
--
PMJS is a forum dedicated to the study of premodern Japan.
To post to the list, email pm...@googlegroups.com
For the PMJS Terms of Use and more resources, please visit www.pmjs.org.
Contact the moderation team at mod...@pmjs.org
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "PMJS: Listserv" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to pmjs+uns...@googlegroups.com.

Ross Bender

unread,
Mar 5, 2023, 1:56:48 PM3/5/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abe,

I need to correct myself on the term 忌御斎, since after the initial 国忌御斎 unique to Shōmu, it always occurs as  周忌御斎 glossed as shūki no ogami. Muller's Digital Dictionary of Buddhism gives as  周忌斎 "anniversary masses", which provides yet another way of translating this term.

Sincerely,
Ross Bender

Ross Bender

unread,
Mar 6, 2023, 5:31:21 PM3/6/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
More on this fascinating term. Here it is used in a purely Shinto ritual:

《大宝二年(七〇二)三月己卯(十二)》己卯。鎮大安殿大祓。天皇御新宮正殿斎戒。惣頒幣帛於畿内及七道諸社。

Taihō 2.3.12 [April 13, 702]

The Great Purification ceremony was held at the Hall of Great Peace. The Emperor went to the main hall of the new palace and performed purification ceremonies.[1] Mitegura were distributed to the shrines of the home provinces and the seven circuits.



[1] 斎戒 saikai. Charles Muller’s Digital Dictionary of Buddhism notes that the term appears as early as Mencius, meaning a practice of purification before making offerings to the spirits.


On Sun, Mar 5, 2023 at 9:01 AM Ross Bender <rosslyn...@gmail.com> wrote:
Dear Dr. Abe,

Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 6, 2023, 8:21:38 PM3/6/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Ross (If I may call you so),

 

Thank you very much for your reply and also your addendum.  Including all the historical events you cited, I learned a lot from your posts.   I sent my previous reply to your original post before your second post in response to Yi Ding’s article appeared.  Together with that post, I can’t agree more with you on your point of the polyvalent nature of the word 斎。 Before I read your comments I always thought of the word 忌御斎as an earlier prototypical concept that later developed into 国忌御斎 and  周忌御斎。But having read your comments, I believe that the nuance coming from the native Japanese tradition is also important.  For example, the word is attached to generic nouns such as and 館 (忌詞、忌館) in order repel Buddhist elements from the kami worship at Ise at the end of the 8th century (延喜儀式帳).   Accordingly, word is prohibited and had to be replaced by the word 阿良良岐 (“araragi,” high structure).   is replaced by 染紙、and most interestingly, in the Buddhist sense of upoṣada is replaced by 片膳(katasonae or katashiki, one-sided, i.e., vegetarian meal.  So, it is possible to think of 忌御斎 as something like the ritual of necessary evil – the court needed the Buddhist rites to expel the greatest possible impurity of the realm, the emperor’s death, but because the ritual was attached tightly to the gravest impurity,  the ritual itself was regarded as not desirable from the kame worship’s point of view.  As you know the court’s attitude toward Buddhism continue to change, rather drastically, from the pre-Nara to the early Heian period.  It may be possible to think that when the court was more favorable to Buddhism, the positive sense of 忌御斎 was brought to the fore in the historical records, but the opposite might be as true.  In short, the word in the Shoku nihongi cannot be reduced to the Buddhist sense of it even if we include the early Chinese transformation/expansion of its meaning.  You point somehow reminded me of Ogyū Sorai’s famous statement that in all the Buddhist sutras the Buddha never taught monks to perform funerary rites.  I have more to say about the interchangeable use in ancient Japan of the words and which has also to do with the question of nuns in the court ritual.  But that’s probably too long for this thread.  I’ll send my additional comments directly to you and Ms. Kochinski.

 

Thank you,

Ryuichi

 

 


Date: Sunday, March 5, 2023 at 1:56 PM
To: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com>

Raji Steineck

unread,
Mar 8, 2023, 9:44:44 AM3/8/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abe,

thank you for your responses to Ross Bender's questions. I am sure many of us would like to read your more extensive comments as well, so please don't hesitate to share them on this list if you don't mind.

Yours,

Raji Steineck

Prof. Dr. Raji C. Steineck
Japanologie, Asien-Orient-Institut
Universität Zürich
Zürichbergstrasse 4
8032 Zürich
Schweiz/Suisse/Svizzera


Von: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com> im Auftrag von Abe, Ryuichi <ra...@fas.harvard.edu>
Gesendet: Dienstag, 7. März 2023 01:47
An: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com>
Betreff: Re: [PMJS] Maigre Feasts or Abstinence Rites
 

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 8, 2023, 9:44:58 AM3/8/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abé,

Thank you very much for considering my question about nuns / female renunciants in connection with Ross' original question about the translation of . My current project focuses on memorials and other mortuary rituals in the later medieval period, but knowing how these terms were used in earlier periods helps to shed light on their semantic shift over time.

Thank you, and with best regards,
Lisa Kochinski

Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 9, 2023, 8:15:06 AM3/9/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Professor Steineck,

 

Thank you for your note.  Please find below what I wrote to Ross and Lisa.  I removed my personal comments and questions to them from what I put down below. 

Thank you,

Ryuichi

……….

 

Having reviewed my old notes, I found that before the systematic integration of Buddhist rites into the rituals of the court that began at the victory of Tenmu over Tenchi, the words 忌 and 斎 were used interchangeably.  According to scholars like Okada Shigekiyo (岡田重精『古代の斎忌(イミ)』), both denote either abstaining from, or expelling, impure or sinful events/things.  Both terms were pronounced as or , with the verbal form of them  イム and ユム ; and ユ(忌、斎)ユユシ(忌) ユメ(忌、慎)are the noun derivatives.   That is to say, both words, before Buddhism was thoroughly integrated into the court ritual during the Tenmu-Jitō era, had a dual meaning:  1) “abstaining” from impurities; and 2) the very impurities one needs to abstain from. 

This seems to explain why the court’s attitude toward Buddhists, as it was best expressed by the treatment of nuns, shifted back and forth throughout the Nara period.  Jitō was the first former emperor who was cremated – i.e., the Buddhist ritual that do not require any purificatory rites related to burials.  But already from 727 (神亀4年) onward, the court began excluding the participation of nuns in the rituals of the inner court (牛山佳幸「律令制展開期における尼と尼寺」) --  mainly because having both monks and nuns performing the same rites in a same site was considered inappropriate, the idea that went against the ideal of 忌、斎. In the reigns of Shōmu-Kōken, the integration of Buddhist rites in the court rituals increased and nuns became more active again (勝浦令子「八世紀の内裏仏事と女性」).  However, after the fall of the Shōtoku-Dōkyō regime, removal of Buddhists from various aspects of kami worship became the standard.  So, depending on the court’s attitude toward Buddhism, which continued to evolve throughout the Nara period, the meaning of the word 忌御斎 very likely had quite different nuances.  When the court was favorable to Buddhism, its purificatory function against the greatest pollution for the realm, the emperor’s death, was brought to the fore.  On the other hand, when the court was less sympathetic to Buddhism, the negative connotation probably had more weight. 

This explains why 斎宮 was understood as both pure and impure.  Those ladies who were chosen to be saigū were considered pure because they abstained from taking part in Buddhist rites.  But they were regarded impure because they were not able to take part in the Buddhist purificatory rites and were not able to accumulate religious merit from them. 

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 9, 2023, 8:28:48 PM3/9/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abé,

Thank you very much for taking the time to write such a detailed response. Your discussion of examples from the Nara and Heian periods shows how complex this topic is. Understanding the development of this early discourse helps to shed light on the background to the development of mourning codes bukki ryō 服忌令 and other books of regulations about pollution and defilement. 

Your last comment about saigū 斎宮 reminded me of Princess Senshi 選子内新王 (964–1035), who was priestess to the Kamo Shrine from 975 to 1031. Her Buddhist poetry paired with Buddhist text excerpts in Hosshin wakashū 発心和歌集 (1021) highlights the tension between abstinence from Buddhist rites on the one hand and her yearning for Buddhist salvation on the other. Indeed, when Senshi retired from the Kamo Shrine in 1031, she took Buddhist vows. What I am wondering about, though, is whether the only reason that Senshi and other saigū were regarded as impure was because they could not take part in Buddhist rites, which is what you seem to suggest, but please forgive me if I have misunderstood you. Saigū had to isolate themselves from the shrine during their monthly menses in a separate menstrual hall. So I wonder to what extent notions of blood pollution may have contributed to the view of their impurity. 

Many thanks again, Dr. Abé, and thanks to PMJS for providing this forum for discussion,

Lisa Kochinski
Pronouns: she / her / hers
PhD Candidate (ABD)
School of Religion, University of Southern California


Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 10, 2023, 7:53:08 PM3/10/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Lisa (if I may call you so),

 

Thank you for your excellent comments and questions.  I think the question of blood pollution is better answered by Lori Meeks, and Senshi by Ed Kames.  But I love Senshi’s poems and used her poem on Dragon Princess as an example of showing that the divinity had nothing to do with the typical sectarian misrepresentation of her role in the lines henjō nanshi, 変成男子  So I write below what I remember.

 

Best,

Ryuichi

……………….

                First, I think it’s important that we do a thorough historicization of the issues you pointed out.  The compilation of  typical “bukki ryō” actually took place from the late Kamakura period and reflects in their codes lots of androcentric biased views against women typical of the worrier household system.  Examples of most thorough bukki ryō are Bunpoki 『文保記(文保服仮令)』 and Korō kujitsuden 『古老口実伝』from the mid- to late Kamakura periods.  Both present all sorts of rules of taboos of kami worship as if they were transmitted from much earlier periods.  But more recent research on them has revealed that was not necessarily the case.  For example. earlier rules (form the ancient to Nara periods) treated child-delivery as pollutive but not mensuration.  I believe that’s because childbirth was regarded as dangerous for both mother and child, but that was not the case for mensuration.

 

               Second, on the question of blood pollution itself, I think we acutely need the same attention to the thorough historicization – in order to free ourselves from conventional misconceptions.  It seems to me that in the ancient period blood is often understood as the sign of vitality and life itself and not necessary regarded as polluted.  The famous episode in the Kojiki relates Yamato-takeru’s romantic meeting with Miyazuhime ( 美夜受比売 ) in which she was mensurating that evening, but Miyazuhime gave him permission to make love.  According to Katsuura Noriko, the first report of a saigū at Ise who was not able to perform purification rite because of mensuration happened in 886; and the first report of a saiin at Kamo on the same problem of mensuration  was 914-915 (Alas, I didn’t write down which book of Katsuura’s I found these info.).  Obviously, before these occasions, the mensuration of priestesses was not problematized as pollution in both Ise and Kamo.

 

                Third, I believe we need to clearly distinguish the function of the priestesses at Isa (斎宮) from that of the priestesses at Kamo (斎院).  The prohibitions for Ise priestesses were always more strict and severe than those for Kamo priestesses.  As far as I know, that’s because sending the new priestesses to Ise became an important part of the emperor’s coronation ritual.  For example, taboo of Buddhist words ( 内忌詞) applied for Ise priestesses in Engishiki was never applied to Kamo priestesses.  As late as the reign of Emperor Sutoku, a nun was appointed as the administrative head (bettō) of the Kamo Priestess office.  When the male ministers of the court discovered that that nun constantly had access to the Kamo Shrine proper and was entering the inner sanctum together with the Kamo Priestess, finally the residence of nuns at Kamo was prohibited (Chōshūki, Chōshō 2, 5th day of the nineth month 『長秋記』長承二年九月五日条).

 

               Finally about Princess Senshi: since Kuboki published an article questioning Senshi’s authorship of Hosshin wakashū  in 2016  (久保木秀夫. "『発心和歌集』 選子内親王作者説存疑." 中古文学 97 (2016): 76-86.), it seems to me that scholars of Japanese literature cannot determine whether the collection actually was penned by Princess Senshi.  However, most scholars agree that Senshi devoted herself to Buddhism, and thus her inner struggle of keeping her Buddhist faith, on the one hand, and serving Kamo by abstaining from Buddhism, was true.  As you know better than I do, Senshi, Shikishi naishinnō, and many other princesses who served as Kamo and Ise priestesses composed poems in which they deplored their inability to take part in Buddhist rituals and their resultant sinfulness, esp. in regard to what would happen in their afterlife. 

What interests me most is Senshi’s sudden resignation from the Kamo priestess position.  A few scholars have speculated a shocking incident that happened a few months prior to her resignation in the 9th month of Chōshō 4 urged her to resign.  In the 6th month of the same year, Princess Senshi, 嫥子女王 while serving a rite at Ise, was possessed by the Ise god.  Crazed, she delivered the words of Amaterasu that criticized the administrators of Ise as well as the court’s policy toward Ise (『後拾遺和歌集』巻20、雑6、神祇)It’s interesting to note that possibly destructive power of priestesses – as in the ancient period -- was felt as an actual threat for the legitimacy of the Heian imperial court.  For Senshi at Kamo, however,  this possession of the Ise priestess by the Ise god must have been an event that wiped out the value of her life-long effort to make a peaceful co-existence between Buddhism, kami worship at Kamo, and the court.  In any case, both these priestesses seem to have worked hard to resist the court’s effort to contain the power of priestesses by mean of institutionalization, i.e., by means of creating so many taboos around them.

Considering all these things, I tend to think of “blood pollution” as a conceptual tool aimed at suppressing women that was made particularly influential by the male-centered religious and political authorities during the latter part of medieval period -- and by means of their production of various texts that projected the taboos backward to earlier history – to justify their suppression of women in their own society.

 

 

From: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com> on behalf of Lisa Kochinski <lis...@gmail.com>
Date: Thursday, March 9, 2023 at 8:28 PM
To: pm...@googlegroups.com <pm...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: [PMJS] Maigre Feasts or Abstinence Rites

--

PMJS is a forum dedicated to the study of premodern Japan.
To post to the list, email pm...@googlegroups.com
For the PMJS Terms of Use and more resources, please visit www.pmjs.org.
Contact the moderation team at mod...@pmjs.org
---
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups "PMJS: Listserv" group.
To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an email to pmjs+uns...@googlegroups.com.

Raji Steineck

unread,
Mar 15, 2023, 3:49:56 PM3/15/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Professor Abé,

thank you for sharing these notes on imi - a helpful reminder of the dynamic shifts and ambiguities in the ritsuryō' state's relationship to Buddhist rituals and clergy.

Yours,

Raji


Gesendet: Donnerstag, 9. März 2023 14:06

Cynthea Bogel

unread,
Mar 15, 2023, 7:35:48 PM3/15/23
to pmjs digest subscribers
This has been a fascinating exchange. I hope it will continue a bit longer!
Cynthea


Cynthea J. Bogel
  •Japan: Professor, Buddhist visual culture in East Asia and Japanese Art History
Kyushu University, Graduate School of Humanities (until March 31, 2023)
  •Journal of Asian Humanities at Kyushu University (JAH-Q), an annual peer-reviewed, Open Access, Scopus-indexed journal. 
Editor, 2016–2022 except 2020, Group Editor.  https://www.lib.kyushu-u.ac.jp/publications_kyushu/jahq 
Complete web PDF on the journal webpage: https://www2.lit.kyushu-u.ac.jp/en/impjh/jahq/
  •The Eastern Buddhist, Advisory Board member. https://ebs.otani.ac.jp/
  •USA: Visiting Scholar, The Edwin O. Reischauer Institute of Japanese Studies at Harvard University (Feb. 2022–Jan. 2023)

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 16, 2023, 7:50:27 PM3/16/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Dr. Abé,

Thank you for your thorough and very interesting discussion in answer to my questions. You brought up several points that I was not aware of, such as uncertainty about the authorship of Hosshin wakashū and the episode at the Ise Shrine, and it has taken me some time to digest them.

I also very much appreciated your reminder to thoroughly historicize these issues. In that regard, I was reading through my notes on Narikiyo Hirokazu 成清広和's Josei to kegare no rekishi 女性と穢れの歴史 (Hanawa Shobō, 2003). In the chapter on “Kaku jinja no bukki ryō” 各神社の服忌令, there is mention of a record from Hōki 2 (771) 2.11 in which Ōe ason 大江朝臣 in an adjudicatory reply said, “For example, one woman’s monthly flow is that very same person’s pollution.” (Unfortunately, I neglected to note the source and I don't have Narikiyo's book on hand.) From this it would seem that there was a range of views on the vitality/pollution of blood from a very early period. 

Thank you again, Dr. Abé, for taking the time to reply to my earlier questions.

Best regards,
Lisa Kochinski


Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 20, 2023, 3:19:05 AM3/20/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Lisa (and please call me Ryuichi next time),

 

It’s funny you asked me again about things on which I did a background-research.  I recently finished a detailed biography of Ryōkan (in Japanese), a celebrated late Edo Zen monk-poet.  He lived his life by distancing himself from the Zen all other Buddhist sectarian organizations.  He also shunned sōshiki bukkyō, funeral Buddhism, which was the standard practice of Buddhism then.  He took pride in playing children’s games with local harlots, and his best student was a nun.  Many of his activities went against the prohibitions of Tokugawa Shogunate.  I write below what I remember from this research project.

 

Best,

Ryuichi

 

……………….

 

I think Bukkiryō is a good place to show how important historical contextualization is.  If you are talking about the “Bukkiryō” as a legal system, it was promulgated by the 5th Tokugawa Shōgun Tsunayoshi in 1684.  The Confucians of the Hayashi house and the Shintōist Kikkawa Koretaru 吉川惟足 were responsible for this newly promulgated law of the Shōgunate.  It was made with reference to medieval collections of Shintō rules such as  Bunpoki 『文保記(文保服仮令)』 and Korō kujitsuden. 『古老口実伝』  I think it is academically acceptable to refer to these medieval texts that functioned as prototypes of the Tokugawa Shogunate’s Bukkiryō as “bukkiryō.”  But prior to the medieval collections of prohibitions such as these, there was absolutely nothing in Japanese ¯history that were contemporaneously referred to as “bukkiryō.” 

            There is a very well-developed scholarship on the historical development of bukkiryō.  Perhaps the most comprehensive study of the historical process I outlined above is by Hayashi Yukiko 林由紀子著 「近世服忌令の研究幕藩制国家の喪と穢」1998年)Tanaka Hiderori’s book chapter below is a good summary and update of Hayashi’s monograph study. 

田中秀典, 2018. 8 家族・親族範囲の法制度化と儒家神道中世における神祇道服忌令との関係を中心に―. 千葉大学大学院人文公共学府研究プロジェクト報告書= Chiba University Graduate School of Humanities and Study of Public Affairs Research Project Reports, (332), pp.121-138. 

            These works tell that after Shogun Tsunayoshi’s promulgation of the Bukkiryō in 1684, many bukkiryo rules were produced by individual Shinto shrines.  These “private” rules are problematic because, just like the “engi” of shrines and temples, they project the early modern ideas of death-related pollutions and other taboos back into history.  These are the texts that often talk as if there existed bukkyiryō rules even in the Heian and Nara periods.  The fact of the matter is, there is no hard historical evidence for these. 

            I have to say that the primary source you refer to from Narikiyo’s book is problematic.  Many historians who specialize in the Nara and Heian periods know that the Ōe family was known as  大枝 during the Nara period.  Their family name was changed to 大江 only in the 9th century (866).  So, the passage Narikiyo cites in his book seems highly suspicious to me.  It shows that Narikiyo did not know how the name Ōe was written during the Nara period.  Just to make sure, I did an online search for 宝亀 and 大江朝臣in the 国史大系 database (whole 66 vols, via Japan Knowledge) and ended up with 0 hit, naturally.  The source Narikiyo refers to is not included in any standard historical and historiographical records that reliable historians use for academic research. 

            One messy problem I see in Japanese publications on these things is that pro-Shinto scholars publish articles and books that paint a picture as if “bukkiryō” existed since ancient times throughout Japanese history to justify what were legally created only in the medieval and early modern periods.  Then, those who criticize these pro-Shinto, pro-nationalist, pro-androcentric stand also use the same word uncritically – so that they are able to denounce the discriminatory rules and habits as (if they were) transhistorical and universal.  In this way, such words as bukkiryō attain currency to refer to transhistorical events. By then many scholars forget that the Bukkiryō as a nation-wide law only came into existence in 1684 and that law had different rules of abstention and taboos for different classes and occupations of people; and that only after the 1684 Bukkiryo, the idea of bukkiryō spread widely to many domains in Japan.  We also need to keep in mind that there is no peer-review system even for academic publications in Japan.  I don’t know the author 成清.  When I need to deal with an author whom I’m not familiar with, I usually consult more respected scholars’ publications and see if that author in question is cited or referred too.  It’s also good to check the author at various online database and see how often he/she is cited by other scholars of the same field.

            Yet another thorny problem is this: whether you talk about ancient Ritsuryō codes or the Bukkiryō of Tokugawa Shogunate, it is not always easy to see which rules were actually implemented.  We know many Ritsuryō rules were never observed, and no punishments were placed on those who broke the rules.  For example, if there seems to be an ancient rule, national or local, that prohibits the saigū of Ise from carrying out a rite during her mensuration, the actual historical record that problematized her mensuration dates only from the 9th century – in the long history of Ise.  Then, we have to recognize the fact that for many centuries, saigū’s mensuration was not treated as pollution. 

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 20, 2023, 6:10:40 PM3/20/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ryuichi, if I may,

Thank you for your reply and for the many references and further sources which I will definitely look into. I searched for your book on Ryōkan and found that it has been translated into English. I include the citation here for others who may be interested.

Abé, Ryuichi. Great Fool: Zen Master Ryōkan; Poems, Letters, and Other Writings. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 1996.

Getting back to Narikiyo's citation of the record about Ōe, I also searched online trying to find any mention of the record, but turned up no results. I thought that my search methods were faulty, but from your comments about the problematic nature of the citation and the fact that the orthography for the Ōe name was different in the Nara period, I realize now that I should have been more suspicious about it. 

Many thanks for your generosity in replying to my many questions.

With best regards,
Lisa

Lisa Kochinski, Ph.D. Candidate (ABD)
School of Religion, University of Southern California

Abe, Ryuichi

unread,
Mar 20, 2023, 8:55:55 PM3/20/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com

Dear Lisa,

 

Thank you very much for your prompt reply.  I’m glad to hear that what I posted was useful to you.

 

As for my book on Ryokan,  I was talking about a now book that I wrote in Japanese.  It will be published by a press in Kyoto.  They say it will be out by the end of April.

  https://www.minervashobo.co.jp/book/b616616.html

It’s a bit expensive but I guess libraries at major universities in North America will get a copy.  This one is a biography and quite different from Great Fool.

 

But I thank you for making a mention of my first book in English.  I’m grateful that Hawaii Press keeps it in print.

 

With best,

Ryuichi

Lisa Kochinski

unread,
Mar 21, 2023, 8:35:39 PM3/21/23
to pm...@googlegroups.com
Dear Ryuichi,

Congratulations on the publication of your new book! I will forward the information to our librarian so that they can order it for our Asian collection at Doheny Memorial Library.

With many thanks once again.

Best regards,
Lisa


Reply all
Reply to author
Forward
0 new messages