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Dear Ross (if I may),
Thank you for an important question. I looked into this a bit recently in connection with a forthcoming article on religious responses to the Mongol invasion attempts.
As far as I know, the missives that you mention sent by Emperor Seiwa in 869–870 to the kami of Ise, Iwashimizu Hachiman, Usa Hachiman, and other major shrines represent the first use of the term shinkoku (after the episode of Jingū and the Silla monarch in Nihon shoki) in the sense that Japan is divinely protected by its kami against foreign enemies. (Satō Hiroo mentions Seiwa’s edicts in his 2006 Shinkoku Nihon). After that, the meaning of the term starts to diversify. From the Heian period, it becomes assimilated to honji suijaku thought (Japan as a land where the buddhas and bodhisattva manifest as kami), or it is used to assert political or cultural norms, as when Emperor Shirakawa submitted a prayer to Iwashimizu Hachiman, beseeching the deity to chastise the armed monks of Mt. Hiei, whose unruly and lawless behavior was unacceptable to kami and unbefitting “the land of the gods” (“Shirakawa Hōkō kokubun,” Iwashimizu Hachimangū shiryō sōsho 2:422–423). Both Kuroda and Satō argue that claims about Japan as a shinkoku in the early medieval period were less a response to foreign threats than a conservative ideological formation but forward by one or another of the rival power blocs to counter perceived domestic threats to the system of governance and to reassert their own place within it. It was also invoked in asserting ritual and behavioral standards, such as pollution taboos.
However, in the thirteenth century, with the Mongol threat, one finds references to Japan as a divine country in the same sense as, and using language very similar to, Seiwa’s edicts that you mention. These include the court’s response to Kublai Khan’s first missive—drafted by the courtier Sugawara no Naganari but never sent—which says that Japan’s royal line is descended from the great deity Amaterasu, who will protected it for a hundred reigns; thus it is a divine country (shinkoku), and neither stratagems nor force can subdue it (Kamakura ibun no. 10571). Similar language occurs in prayers for the country’s protection offered by the monk Tōgan Ean at Iwashimizu Hachiman between 1260 and 1273 (Kamakura ibun nos. 10557, 10558, 10630, 10880, and 11267) and by other clerics offering protective prayers at other leading shrines.
But as your question indicates, the mystery remains: Are there any references to Japan as divinely protected against foreign enemies between Seiwa’s edicts and the beginnings of the ritual defense against the Mongols in the thirteenth century? If so, like you, I would very much like to know! Perhaps the documents Bruce Batten mentions relating to the incursions against Kyushu in Nara/Heian would be a place to look.
Jackie Stone
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While I appreciate Avery Morrow’s clarification of Kuroda’s position, I see no particular basis for Kuroda’s claim that “it is the medieval interpretation of the shinkoku concept that is of particular significance” other than his own biases as a medievalist and a scholar committed to deconstructing the late medieval (and modern) understanding of Shinto. The court edicts that Ross Bender and Bruce Batten refer to are evidence that the notion existed and motivated sustained governmental and ritual action during the second half of the ninth century. Another oft-cited edict dated Jōgan 8 states that only the help of the Gods had prevented calamities such as pirate attacks and orders to make offerings to “border deities” (邑境諸神) in order to effect their protection:
『日本三代實錄』13 貞觀八年十一月十七日戊午条
十七日戊午。皇太后遷自東宮。御常寧殿。勅曰。廼者恠異頻見。求之蓍龜。新羅賊兵常窺間隙。灾變之發唯緣斯事。夫攘灾未兆。遏賊將來。唯是神明之冥助。豈云人力之所爲。冝令能登。因幡。伯耆。出雲。石見。隱岐。長門。大宰等國府。班幣於邑境諸神。以鎭護之殊効。又如聞。所差健兒。統領選士等。苟預人流。曾無才器。徒称爪牙之備。不異蟷蜋之衛。况復可敎之民。何禦非常之敵。亦夫十歩之中必有芳草。百城之内寧乏精兵。冝令同國府等勤加試練必得其人。
This seems to me to be a pretty clear articulation of the understanding of the land as sacred and guarded by deities. Why should we consider the late medieval Jinnō shōtōki treatment of the idea as its most mature expression rather than simply one articulation (or why not, a creative later elaboration) of it?
Gian-Piero Persiani
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Dear all,
1. I agree with Gian-Piero Persiani: the invocation of the land of the gods suggests a sense of distinction among the elite already in the Heian period. That is not denying the divide between pre-modern (and possibly 9th, 13th-14th, and 16th century) discourse and modern nationalist ideology.
2. The discussion seems to illustrate Wayne Farris’ point: it is useful to pay attention to the shift in the historical semantics of terms (and their translations), but nuances in translation (land of the gods, divine land etc.) don’t solve the big historical questions.
3. A question with reference to Jackeline Stone’s useful comment: Is there a gap in the linguistic registration of the term “shinkoku” between the Heian period (eighth-century Nihon shoki, tenth-century Sandai jitsuroku) and the arrival of the first Mongol delegation to Japan in the thirteenth century. Or, was it often used in internal competitions (such as Shirakawa’s prayer) as opposed to being invoked against an alien threat between the 11th and 13th c.? If it is a gap rather than a diversification of use, is there an explanation for this gap?
Best wishes,
Judith Vitale
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