On Oct 8, 2025, at 2:44 PM, Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com> wrote:
On Oct 8, 2025, at 3:55 PM, Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com> wrote:
*now up on the HPAC YouTube channel*
On Oct 9, 2025, at 8:51 AM, Jan Umsonst <j.o.u...@gmail.com> wrote:
Hi all, that is exactly the framing that will pave the way to our extinction as it implies emission reductions are secondary as we can easily and cheaply cool the climate down so why bother with emission reductions?Framing is all!And this headline is the perfect foundation for catastrophe: "How Climate Intervention can Safely, Effectively, Quickly and inexpensively Cool the Planet"There is a reason why the experts on the earth system warn from solar radiation management as the risks are unknown...All the bestJan
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Dear Jan,
Emission reduction is secondary to climate intervention when judged against near-term risk.
In terms of radiative forcing, new emissions add roughly 0.035 W/m² of additional heating each year, whereas planetary darkening (albedo loss) is adding around 0.2 W/m². That means albedo collapse is currently causing over five times more heating than emissions.
By Pareto logic, we must focus most on the factor driving 80% of the problem, while not abandoning the other 20%. To do otherwise is to base priorities on emotion and habit rather than reason and evidence.
This is not an argument for “why bother with emission reductions.” Long-term, emissions reduction is indispensable for restoring planetary balance. But in the short-term, emissions cuts alone cannot affect tipping points; only rapid cooling interventions can.
Framing the issue in this way allows us to keep both goals intact: Intervention first, for immediate planetary survival; Emission reduction next, for long-term stability.
Regards
Robert Tulip
From: healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com> On Behalf Of Jan Umsonst
Sent: Thursday, 9 October 2025 11:51 PM
To: Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com>
Cc: healthy-planet-action-coalition <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>; William Beckler <bi...@bsec.org>; Aria Mckenna <ar...@globalcoolingproductions.com>; Cara Fleischer <ca...@creationcommunications.com>; Herb Simmens <hsim...@gmail.com>; Jake Schwartz <ja...@chesapeakeclimate.org>; Rafe Pomerance <rafe.po...@gmail.com>; Michael MacCracken <mmac...@comcast.net>; Healthy Climate Alliance <healthy-clim...@googlegroups.com>; Planetary Restoration <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; Lucinda Shearman <lucindas...@hotmail.com>; Bruce Melton -- Austin, Texas <bme...@earthlink.net>
Subject: Re: [HPAC] How Climate Intervention can Safely and Quickly Cool the Planet_HPAC NYC Climate Week_Sep. 26, 2025
Hi all, that is exactly the framing that will pave the way to our extinction as it implies emission reductions are secondary as we can easily and cheaply cool the climate down so why bother with emission reductions?
Framing is all!
And this headline is the perfect foundation for catastrophe: "How Climate Intervention can Safely, Effectively, Quickly and inexpensively Cool the Planet"
There is a reason why the experts on the earth system warn from solar radiation management as the risks are unknown...
All the best
Jan
Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com> schrieb am Mi., 8. Okt. 2025, 22:00:
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You can’t only consider only the short term impacts of long-term threats, you need to integrate them over their lifetimes to compare apples and oranges.
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Dear Tom,
The question you raise — the balance between short- and long-term factors, cooling versus decarbonisation — highlights a deep tension between effectiveness and coherence. Your argument stresses coherence of policy, which is laudable, but it risks excluding major stakeholders and therefore undermining short-term effectiveness. Keynes’ reminder that “in the long run we are all dead” applies here with particular force.
This raises a fundamental question: is the main goal progressive political victory, or slowing climate change? Many people equate the two, but that link is questionable. It seems clear that solar geoengineering alone could slow climate change, while emission reduction alone could not. A pivot toward geoengineering could buy the time needed to study and scale durable carbon solutions, while also opening the door to alliances with affected industries who have both resources and influence.
If the primary goal is to reverse climate change, then the most urgent short-term task is to restore planetary reflectivity, since albedo loss is currently the dominant driver of additional heating. Yet albedo is entirely absent from the IPCC policy agenda. This omission suggests climate policy is being shaped more by politics than by science, and it raises doubts about the wisdom of aligning our advocacy too closely with the IPCC as a political movement.
In this unsatisfactory context, insisting that cooling allies must sign up in advance to a full long-term scientific agenda risks being counterproductive — especially if it excludes the industries most directly impacted by heat, who also possess the means to act. A more pragmatic stance would be to build a broad coalition around near-term cooling, through an Albedo Accord, while encouraging ongoing research into the longer-term pathway for carbon.
Regards
Robert Tulip
Long term cooling is just as important, and much cheaper, than short term cooling, and both are equally needed for different time scales.
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/planetary-restoration/038301dc3936%2463a7c9b0%242af75d10%24%40rtulip.net.
You constantly frame this as “Either-Or” “only one choice” when we need both!
My thought precisely, Tom, except I'm much more of an "all-and" person at this point; from billions of small efforts plus large-scale policy swathes, all hands on deck right now.
Thanks! I should have said we need all sinks on all time scales simultaneously!
From:
Mark Haubner <mhau...@gmail.com>
Date: Thursday, October 9, 2025 at 13:47
To: Tom Goreau <gor...@globalcoral.org>
Cc: rob...@rtulip.net <rob...@rtulip.net>, Jan Umsonst <j.o.u...@gmail.com>, Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com>, healthy-planet-action-coalition <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>, William Beckler <bi...@bsec.org>, Aria Mckenna <ar...@globalcoolingproductions.com>,
Cara Fleischer <ca...@creationcommunications.com>, Herb Simmens <hsim...@gmail.com>, Jake Schwartz <ja...@chesapeakeclimate.org>, Rafe Pomerance <rafe.po...@gmail.com>, Michael MacCracken <mmac...@comcast.net>, Healthy Climate Alliance <healthy-clim...@googlegroups.com>,
Planetary Restoration <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>, Lucinda Shearman <lucindas...@hotmail.com>, Bruce Melton -- Austin, Texas <bme...@earthlink.net>
Subject: Re: [prag] RE: [HPAC] How Climate Intervention can Safely and Quickly Cool the Planet_HPAC NYC Climate Week_Sep. 26, 2025
My thought precisely, Tom, except I'm much more of an "all-and" person at this point; from billions of small efforts plus large-scale policy swathes, all hands on deck right now.
On Thu, Oct 9, 2025 at 12:16 Tom Goreau <gor...@globalcoral.org> wrote:
And that includes temperature sinks by reflection and evapotranspiration
Hi Aria,
Thank you for again setting out your forthright position. I genuinely sympathise with much of your argument. My main concern, however, is that it is not politically practical.
Why do you think Donald Trump won office campaigning on climate denial, and then proceeded to dismantle U.S. government support for climate science? It was because he—and his voters and funders—perceive arguments for systemic economic transformation as tantamount to demanding a communist revolution, a direct attack on the capitalist order. His policies were designed to put such arguments in their place, to demonstrate where real economic and political power resides, and to underline that capitalism will not tolerate what it regards as an existential assault.
If we are serious about climate progress, especially in the U.S. but also in other countries where voters back hydrocarbon expansion, then a different strategy is needed. A temporary focus on albedo restoration, rather than systemic economic transformation, offers a way forward. Such a policy can:
This approach fits squarely within the HPAC climate triad. We should understand “accelerating emission reduction” not as a tribal demand for faster decarbonisation, but as a research programme into how GGR can ultimately scale beyond total emissions—within a capitalist framework, not in opposition to it.
What you describe as “a combative stance against widespread current understanding” is, in my view, essential. The decarbonisation ideology emerged from a Marxist class war critique of capitalism, and especially of its energy industries. This argument is detailed in my attached short essay, The Ideological Roots of Decarbonisation. People of good will have been misled by the Big Lie that decarbonisation by itself is a climate policy. The decarbonisation ideology refuses to compare the relative impacts of albedo and GHGs on planetary heat, precisely because such analysis undermines their intellectual and scientific and political foundations. Insisting that partners buy in to the whole ‘climate justice’ shebang is a recipe for failure and collapse.
It is pointless to say “do everything” when the cooling impacts of rival actions differ by many orders of magnitude. What is needed is clarity and a practical incremental policy:
place radiative forcing at the centre of climate strategy, and focus first on building support to restore planetary reflectivity.
Regards
Robert Tulip
From: planetary-...@googlegroups.com <planetary-...@googlegroups.com> On Behalf Of Aria Mckenna
Sent: Friday, 10 October 2025 5:39 AM
To: Mark Haubner <mhau...@gmail.com>
|
Tom, if your comment about either/or was directed at me, it misrepresents my position.
Action is needed on both albedo and carbon, but the sequencing requires first building a coalition that includes groups who could be amenable to rebrightening but are hostile to decarbonisation. The climate will not be saved by a popular front of the political left.
Regards
Robert Tulip
On 10/12/2025 7:02 AM EEST Alan Kerstein <alan.k...@gmail.com> wrote:Robert,
I fully support your point “In this unsatisfactory context, insisting that cooling allies must sign up in advance to a full long-term scientific agenda risks being counterproductive” and in fact I would broaden it. HPAC should be careful about advocating the Triad exclusively as a package. People who focus on practical (vs. aspirational) solutions might, with some justification, regard emissions reduction and/or CDR at the needed scale within a relevant time frame to be wishful thinking, leading them to be skeptical about an organization that advocates these on an equal footing with rebrightening. To be clear, I personally support the Triad but but I also take to heart your point about the deep tension between effectiveness and coherence. Support for rebrightening might presently be a fringe position, but there could be a point when the script is flipped and the rebrightening advocates are rightly recognized as the hard-headed realists.
Alan
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/00e901dc3b26%240ffe6ac0%242ffb4040%24%40rtulip.net.
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Robert,
I fully support your point “In this unsatisfactory context, insisting that cooling allies must sign up in advance to a full long-term scientific agenda risks being counterproductive” and in fact I would broaden it. HPAC should be careful about advocating the Triad exclusively as a package. People who focus on practical (vs. aspirational) solutions might, with some justification, regard emissions reduction and/or CDR at the needed scale within a relevant time frame to be wishful thinking, leading them to be skeptical about an organization that advocates these on an equal footing with rebrightening. To be clear, I personally support the Triad but but I also take to heart your point about the deep tension between effectiveness and coherence. Support for rebrightening might presently be a fringe position, but there could be a point when the script is flipped and the rebrightening advocates are rightly recognized as the hard-headed realists.
Alan
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/00e901dc3b26%240ffe6ac0%242ffb4040%24%40rtulip.net.
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/00e901dc3b26%240ffe6ac0%242ffb4040%24%40rtulip.net.
Robert,
Have you seen this Climate Solutions Simulator:
https://www.climateinteractive.org/en-roads/
Also, this Climate Trace ‘Comprehensive Emissions Insight’ website may be of interest: https://climatetrace.org/
Chris.
Thanks Robert. My suggested model trajectories are as follows
I expect a shift to a circular algae economy, with algal biofuel gradually replacing fossil fuels, and emissions used as feedstock for large scale ocean based algae production.
Regards
RT
Could this projection just be yet another example of extrapolating model outputs beyond the limits of the data that define them?
Linear, not Systems thinking, see:
As you know very well, ALL models bear their linear caricatures, but only within a most circumscribed range of trustworthy calibration data, and not necessarily much beyond them. AI is likely to miss it. Sorry to bore with pedantry, but clearly not everyone has the systems thinking background that you do.
Hi Robert
Thanks, those were just top of my head numbers without calculation to get the ball rolling, and the response looks correct. It indicates the value of defining the range of combinations that could restore and sustain Holocene temperature or slightly above. I had not really thought about the implication of extending for 275 years.
I have now done some rough calculations for a revised set of numbers.
My basis for these suggestions includes the following assumptions:
The Global Carbon Budget 2024 calculates that of ~2,605 GtCO₂ emitted to date, about 40% remains in the atmosphere (285 GtC ≈ 1,044 GtCO₂), 26% has been taken up by the ocean (185 GtC ≈ 678 GtCO₂), ~32% by land, with ~3%) accounting imbalance. That means the removal task from air + ocean together is ~1,720 GtCO₂. Net removal averaging 30 GtCO2e/y would achieve this by 2084, after which the goal should be net zero emissions. The idea of achieving net zero via decarbonisation is absurd and dangerous and stupid. Intensive SRM is needed alongside a GGR ramp up to prevent the planet accidentally tipping into a hothouse with resulting mass extinction due to unforeseen fragilities and sensitivities.
Here is an Excel chart I made for these calculations, showing my suggested GGR path

Hi Ron
Your comments on political economy raise some thorny dilemmas that are hard to untangle. My view is that climate stability will require alliances with industries who depend on fossil fuels, which in turn requires framing arguments in ways that could build trust with such audiences. That involves a critique of partisan attitudes within the climate action movement. I have explored these themes in a few recent HPAC emails, including to Aria last Friday with an attachment on the ideological roots of decarbonisation, and to Robert Chris on 29 September.
I have a slightly different take on your view that the political right “view government led and especially globally coordinated climate policies as a threat to global capitalism and to their wealth and power.” That is true regarding proposals for decarbonisation, but not necessarily true for climate policy overall.
Globally coordinated policies on sunlight reflection do not intrinsically need to pose a threat to capitalism. This is a big part of why the neo-communist wing of the climate movement is so hostile to geoengineering, because they see climate policy as a means to the end of overthrowing capitalism. By ‘neo-communist’ I mean an illiberal, fossil-abolitionist, state-led program that forecloses pluralist debate and treats dissent as illegitimate.
Energy Secretary Chris Wright perceives decarbonisation as a Big Lie, leading to higher rather than lower energy prices. He argues, rightly in my view, that renewable energy advocates ignore the need to include major factors such as reliable baseload backup and transmission in the overall renewable system cost. That debate has been central to the breakdown of trust toward academic energy modelling among conservative communities. On top of this fiscal problem there is also the tribal problem, that decarbonisation is promoted by the left as part of a suite of progressive policies that are anathema to conservatives.
Geoengineering is caught up in this tribal camp division, generally seen as standing on the side of progressive science against reactionary irrationality. This way of seeing the division will change if conservatives take a lead on promoting sunlight reflection. After all, climate denial is a recipe for collapse, which is not good for anyone’s wealth or power.
Climate policy is now seen through the prisms of energy policy and partisan division. That means the whole scientific agenda of climate analysis, and its major security implications, gets swept up in the political hostility many on the right have toward decarbonisation. However, a climate policy that decoupled climate from energy by proposing cooling and GGR alongside ongoing fossil fuel use could be attractive to many on the right. That is a highly worthwhile goal as it would bring investment, influence, skills, debate and resources into the geoengineering movement. The aim would be to replace politically driven subsidies for wind and solar with government funding for climate on the basis of cooling return on investment, as a security investment.
This raises the existential problem of whether people see left wing community identity or reversing global warming as more urgent. If the latter, shifting climate policy away from the ideology of redistribution and into the framing of security, through an Albedo Accord, could be an entry point to build a bipartisan coalition of support. Climate collapse is a security threat, with major risks of refugee flows, sea level rise, extreme weather, economic crisis and other systemic disruptions. Collapse risk can be mitigated by SRM and GGR, but hardly at all by decarbonisation.
I criticise revolutionary thinking to emphasise the futility of UN calls to halve emissions in this decade, which is a thoroughly unrealistic and revolutionary call. My view is that policy has to be pragmatic, realistic, incremental, scientific and respectful, and that decarbonisation as a climate strategy fails on all those counts, whereas sunlight reflection succeeds. Renewable energy is great where local conditions support it on environmental and cost grounds, but pretending it could influence the climate is delusional.
You say “it became apparent that climate policy required large scale national and global planning and coordination that is antithetical to free market capitalism.” The right does not object to the need for planning and coordination as such. Their objection is to the globally coordinated plan of the climate action movement that aims directly at destroying the fossil fuel industry. It would be entirely possible to develop a coordinated cooling plan that accepted ongoing use of fossil fuels. This can be compatible with HPAC’s call for accelerated emission reduction, through a focus on building new industries that use concentrated emissions as algae feedstock, aiming to ramp up CDR bigger than total emissions.
The political right is perfectly happy to throw trillions of dollars at globally coordinated military plans and policies to protect capitalism. An Albedo Accord could deliver a similar level of realism in responding to climate threats, by decoupling climate and energy in order to coordinate global response to the security threat of heat.
I am sympathetic to your discussion of socialism as just the need for public policy, public constraints and more international and global cooperation. That walks back a long way from traditional concepts of socialism as government ownership of the means of production and the polarised language of class struggle. Indeed, it is even compatible with Hayek’s call in The Constitution of Liberty for well-regulated markets, something his laissez-faire acolytes miss.
By the way, I like your new word ‘calmatious’. I wonder how often new terms start off as humble typos? Calmatious is like calamitous, but with unnerving calm; the serene composure that somehow accompanies a disaster.
Regards
Robert Tulip
Hi Ron
Your comments on political economy raise some thorny dilemmas that are hard to untangle. My view is that climate stability will require alliances with industries who depend on fossil fuels, which in turn requires framing arguments in ways that could build trust with such audiences. That involves a critique of partisan attitudes within the climate action movement. I have explored these themes in a few recent HPAC emails, including to Aria last Friday with an attachment on the ideological roots of decarbonisation, and to Robert Chris on 29 September.
I have a slightly different take on your view that the political right “view government led and especially globally coordinated climate policies as a threat to global capitalism and to their wealth and power.” That is true regarding proposals for decarbonisation, but not necessarily true for climate policy overall.
Globally coordinated policies on sunlight reflection do not intrinsically need to pose a threat to capitalism. This is a big part of why the neo-communist wing of the climate movement is so hostile to geoengineering, because they see climate policy as a means to the end of overthrowing capitalism. By ‘neo-communist’ I mean an illiberal, fossil-abolitionist, state-led program that forecloses pluralist debate and treats dissent as illegitimate.
Energy Secretary Chris Wright perceives decarbonisation as a Big Lie, leading to higher rather than lower energy prices. He argues, rightly in my view, that renewable energy advocates ignore the need to include major factors such as reliable baseload backup and transmission in the overall renewable system cost. That debate has been central to the breakdown of trust toward academic energy modelling among conservative communities. On top of this fiscal problem there is also the tribal problem, that decarbonisation is promoted by the left as part of a suite of progressive policies that are anathema to conservatives.
Geoengineering is caught up in this tribal camp division, generally seen as standing on the side of progressive science against reactionary irrationality. This way of seeing the division will change if conservatives take a lead on promoting sunlight reflection. After all, climate denial is a recipe for collapse, which is not good for anyone’s wealth or power.
Climate policy is now seen through the prisms of energy policy and partisan division. That means the whole scientific agenda of climate analysis, and its major security implications, gets swept up in the political hostility many on the right have toward decarbonisation. However, a climate policy that decoupled climate from energy by proposing cooling and GGR alongside ongoing fossil fuel use could be attractive to many on the right. That is a highly worthwhile goal as it would bring investment, influence, skills, debate and resources into the geoengineering movement. The aim would be to replace politically driven subsidies for wind and solar with government funding for climate on the basis of cooling return on investment, as a security investment.
This raises the existential problem of whether people see left wing community identity or reversing global warming as more urgent. If the latter, shifting climate policy away from the ideology of redistribution and into the framing of security, through an Albedo Accord, could be an entry point to build a bipartisan coalition of support. Climate collapse is a security threat, with major risks of refugee flows, sea level rise, extreme weather, economic crisis and other systemic disruptions. Collapse risk can be mitigated by SRM and GGR, but hardly at all by decarbonisation.
I criticise revolutionary thinking to emphasise the futility of UN calls to halve emissions in this decade, which is a thoroughly unrealistic and revolutionary call. My view is that policy has to be pragmatic, realistic, incremental, scientific and respectful, and that decarbonisation as a climate strategy fails on all those counts, whereas sunlight reflection succeeds. Renewable energy is great where local conditions support it on environmental and cost grounds, but pretending it could influence the climate is delusional.
You say “it became apparent that climate policy required large scale national and global planning and coordination that is antithetical to free market capitalism.” The right does not object to the need for planning and coordination as such. Their objection is to the globally coordinated plan of the climate action movement that aims directly at destroying the fossil fuel industry. It would be entirely possible to develop a coordinated cooling plan that accepted ongoing use of fossil fuels. This can be compatible with HPAC’s call for accelerated emission reduction, through a focus on building new industries that use concentrated emissions as algae feedstock, aiming to ramp up CDR bigger than total emissions.
The political right is perfectly happy to throw trillions of dollars at globally coordinated military plans and policies to protect capitalism. An Albedo Accord could deliver a similar level of realism in responding to climate threats, by decoupling climate and energy in order to coordinate global response to the security threat of heat.
I am sympathetic to your discussion of socialism as just the need for public policy, public constraints and more international and global cooperation. That walks back a long way from traditional concepts of socialism as government ownership of the means of production and the polarised language of class struggle. Indeed, it is even compatible with Hayek’s call in The Constitution of Liberty for well-regulated markets, something his laissez-faire acolytes miss.
Hi Alan
Your comment here summarises a key theme in this thread, exploring how cooling alliances can cross political divides. I particularly endorse your suggestion that rebrightening advocates will be rightly recognized as the hard-headed realists. In politics, realism means the ability to see the balance of forces, and negotiate practical and durable outcomes, engaging with the transition problem of how we can move from our current situation toward desired goals. By contrast, idealism imagines a result but lacks a practical way to achieve it.
My sense is that a failure to cross the polarised division between left and right guarantees failure of realism and thus failure to cool. Unless the commercial world, who largely take a right wing view about politics, can be convinced of the viability and necessity of cooling, it simply will not happen. Their powers of influence and funding will simply overwhelm arguments that they do not trust. A conversation within progressive communities is necessary but not sufficient. That means the negotiating task must assess what is essential and what is optional to form a bipartisan cooling lobby, a business-science alliance.
The essential near-term priority is sunlight reflection because it alone can quickly constrain heat. As I have argued, this can be achieved through an Albedo Accord modelled on the Montreal Protocol. Sequencing the Triad has to prioritise rebrightening now through advocacy and governance proposals, alongside an approach to emissions reduction and GGR that is supported by affected industries. On your separate question about carbon tax, I am sceptical. Political opposition to higher energy prices from major industries and voter blocs would generate a fruitless debate, negating possible theoretical benefit of going down this path in the short term.
Opposition to sunlight reflection is often passionate but movable. On the right, some assume geoengineering is a left-wing Trojan horse; on the left, some assume it’s a right-wing conspiracy. Both narratives fail to see the security urgency and threat of heat, and can be defused by a business–science alliance that treats cooling as an urgent measurable safety intervention, with clear governance and science. Shift the frame from ideology to risk management, security, science and public safety, and most stakeholders can be persuaded or become marginal.
Social mapping can identify who could support or oppose sunlight reflection and why. Likely allies include insurers and reinsurers, shipping and ports, tourism, fisheries and agriculture, energy producers, defence and emergency services. If significant industries see a credible strategy that meets their interests — risk reduction, asset protection, costed pilots with measurable outcomes and transparent governance — they can become core supporters.
Regards
Robert Tulip
My view is that sunlight reflection has to become the most essential and urgent cooling priority, in view of its unique ability to quickly constrain heat. Social mapping can identify who could support or oppose sunlight reflection and why. If significant industries could become sympathetic through the provision of a strategy that meets their interests,
Opponents of sunlight reflection hold views that at times are passionate but which I believe can rapidly be changed or marginalised. The Trumpite opposition is driven by the false assumption that geoengineering is a left wing conspiracy. Similarly, left wing opposition seems to assume geoengineering is a right wing conspiracy. Both can readily be confronted by a business-science alliance that recognises cooling as the most urgent climate task.
From: healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com> On Behalf Of Alan Kerstein
Sent: Sunday, 12 October 2025 3:02 PM
To: rob...@rtulip.net
We advocate the world community urgently come together to carry out an equitable science base plan of action that includes what HPAC calls the Climate Triad:
- Directly cooling the climate through sunshine reflection ecosystem restoration and other safe and effective means
- Accelerating emission reductions
- Deploying large scale removal of atmospheric carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases
The goal of these actions along with enhanced and transformative adaptation and regeneration measures is to reduce the average global temperature increase to well below 1° C in the coming decades.
Doing so will sharply reduce weather extremes, slow or stop the collapse of key ecosystems and help ensure a livable planet for humanity and the natural world.”
Thanks Robert, Herb, and Ron for your insightful comments. I like to think in terms of the Dyad, which is cooling plus all methods of reducing atmospheric GHG concentration (so GCR meaning greenhouse-gas concentration reduction), so I will reply in this framing.
Robert, you express skepticism about a carbon tax from a political perspective but you express no concern about its intrinsic merits. Any GCR deployment at the needed scale will incur huge costs that will have to be borne by someone. Your concern about resistance to a carbon tax likewise applies to any conceivable method of picking Peter’s pocket to pay Paul the GCR deployer. In effect, you are pointing out a major barrier to any approach to financing GCR implementation.
Your point about this Robert, and Ron’s point about collective versus individual economic decision making, both reflect the underlying reality that GCR will require an unprecedented degree of action that contravenes individual preferences, or to put it plainly, coercion. So the challenge is to force billions of people to do things, or at least to acquiesce to things, that contravene their preferences.
I will summarize the requirements for successful GCR deployment in the following short list:
1. Capability to apply massive coercion without tearing society apart.
2. Capability to execute the mechanical, technological, and organizational aspects of GCR deployment at the needed scale.
3. Reality-based governance with long-term focus.
I have racked my brain to come up with a real-world example of the confluence of such capabilities in a single entity, and by a process of elimination the closest approximation is China. This leads me to the distasteful conclusion that any reorganization of global society for effective deployment of GCR should seek to emulate the Chinese model in terms of the listed attributes while minimizing the undesirable features that afflict the Chinese system. In this regard, I’m not optimistic that we can have our cake and eat it too, but if not, we might by default leave it in the hands of the Chinese leadership to set the terms of GCR deployment.
Herb, my reading of the mission statement gives me the impression that it is more prescriptive than your comments imply. In any case, this is just a minor quibble in the overall scheme of things.
I have more serious qualms about your statement “In addition any direct climate cooling interventions need to be shown to be safe and effective, characteristics that remain to be authoritatively confirmed.” There are only two ways to establish the safety and effectiveness of something that has never been done before - a randomized trial or a digital twin. The former does not apply and digital twins achieve the needed fidelity only for engineered systems that are designed to be mathematically representable with the needed precision.
Given the risk-vs.-risk perspective that seems to be a longstanding consensus within HPAC, the quoted statement surprises me. Reflecting that apparent consensus, I think that the best we can say given the uncertainties is that the heat stored in the atmosphere is the proximate and primary driver of the thermodynamic engine that causes harmful climate change, so the primary effect of expelling some of that heat is likely to be an overall reduction of climate harms. This does not preclude risky side effects. Indeed, the possibility that cooling will cause worse problems than it solves cannot be ruled out, but the overall balance of risks favors cooling.
I think that all public statements about cooling and GCR should be based on the unvarnished truth. There is a long history of policies that foundered partially due to well-intentioned trimming of the rough edges of the hard truth.
Alan
Herb,
The space program catastrophes were first, the fuel tank explosion upon takeoff and second, on a different mission, the detachment of heat-shield tiles resulting in the crash landing. The explosive failure of a valve during another mission caused a near catastrophe that was averted by means of an unlikely sequence of lucky breaks and brilliant improvisations.
This in fact proves the point that Murphy’s law applies even to the most meticulously designed and fabricated engineered system. There were no mission-critical unknowns about externalities such as atmospheric conditions, the environment in the vacuum of space, or the lunar surface. A digital twin of a space mission is likely infeasible even now, but if it were it might have identified the design, manufacturing, and operational deficiencies that caused at least some of the failures. Nevertheless, the Apollo Project was ultimately successful, as you note, despite its huge risks and consequent tragic failures along the way. This is a far different statement than claiming that the risks were reduced to negligible levels from the get-go. (I recognize that you are not claiming this.) Likewise, I believe that cooling deployment will ultimately succeed in delivering substantial net benefits despite significant likelihood of major unanticipated adverse side effects. Again, this is far different than expecting that such side effects can be anticipated and forestalled in advance with high confidence.
Admittedly, my point about random trials and digital twins was a red herring. No justification is needed for the self-evident assertion that the Earth-system response to a significant perturbation of radiative inflows and outflows is subject to major uncertainties that nothing short of full-scale implementation over an extended period can reliably resolve.
Your last two sentences are not inherently problematic, but I am concerned that some implicit if not explicit absolute standard of safety and effectiveness might emerge from the process that is impossible to satisfy, thereby superseding the risk-vs.-risk framing that is needed to achieve the best possible outcome.
Alan
P.S. to Robert C.: I wrote the above before your two most recent emails, which are largely consonant with my viewpoint. Regarding your question “Why bother …?” my answer is that contingency planning is a useful exercise that can help us to formulate a cohesive rationale for our position so that we are ready to step forward confidently when circumstances are conducive. This is the standard change-maker playbook (also would-be revolutionaries, demagogues, despots, etc.).
On Oct 16, 2025, at 8:42 PM, Alan Kerstein <alan.k...@gmail.com> wrote:
Ron,Regarding war-time decision making, another relevant case is the emergency use authorization that expedited the distribution of covid vaccines. It was specifically a risk-vs.-risk judgment addressing the speed of deployment.Alan
annual CO2 emissions will reach 40 GtCO2 by 2035, then remain approximately level at 40 Gt until 2060. And then fall to 10 Gt by 2120.
On Oct 12, 2025, at 9:48 am, Robert Chris <robert...@gmail.com> wrote:
Hi RobertT (and everyone)I am putting the finishing touches to my adaptation of the FaIR climate model. In this endeavour I'd like to test it with your views of the plausible future trajectory for CO2 emissions, CO2 drawdown through CDR and deployments of SRM. The model runs out to 2300, so if you could give me your thoughts on a range of likely outcomes for those three variables it would be really helpful.The model is agnostic about the source of the emissions, CDR and SRM.The way the model handles the data is a milestone value by a certain year. There are three milestone for each variable. The simple way to provide the inputs values is to fill in the blanks in the following:annual CO2 emissions will reach XGtCO2 by 2XXX, then increase/fall to YGt by 2XXX. And then rise/fall to ZGt by 2XXX, where the years lie between 2025 and 2300. No need to specify all three X, Y and Z, you might think, for example, that emissions will rise to 50GtCO2/yr by 2050 and then slowly decline to an irreducible minimum of 10GtCO2/yr by 2200.CDR and SRM are defined in the same way, save that they both have a start year that needs to be specified and SRM is measured in Wm-2.If others want to send me your views on how emissions, CDR and SRM might play out, or if you're just interested to know what the surface temperature impact is of any particular combination of all three, just let me have your numbers.The purpose of this exercise is to provide a quick and reliable sense of the plausibility and outcome of the many options open to policymakers.
RegardsRobertC
From: healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com> on behalf of rob...@rtulip.net <rob...@rtulip.net>
Sent: Sunday, October 12, 2025 04:12
To: 'Tom Goreau' <gor...@globalcoral.org>; 'Jan Umsonst' <j.o.u...@gmail.com>; 'Ron Baiman' <rpba...@gmail.com>
Cc: 'healthy-planet-action-coalition' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>; 'William Beckler' <bi...@bsec.org>; 'Aria Mckenna' <ar...@globalcoolingproductions.com>; 'Cara Fleischer' <ca...@creationcommunications.com>; 'Herb Simmens' <hsim...@gmail.com>; 'Jake Schwartz' <ja...@chesapeakeclimate.org>; 'Rafe Pomerance' <rafe.po...@gmail.com>; 'Michael MacCracken' <mmac...@comcast.net>; 'Healthy Climate Alliance' <healthy-clim...@googlegroups.com>; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'Lucinda Shearman' <lucindas...@hotmail.com>; 'Bruce Melton -- Austin, Texas' <bme...@earthlink.net>
Subject: RE: [prag] RE: [HPAC] How Climate Intervention can Safely and Quickly Cool the Planet_HPAC NYC Climate Week_Sep. 26, 2025
Thanks Robert, Herb, and Ron for your insightful comments. I like to think in terms of the Dyad, which is cooling plus all methods of reducing atmospheric GHG concentration (so GCR meaning greenhouse-gas concentration reduction), so I will reply in this framing.
Robert, you express skepticism about a carbon tax from a political perspective but you express no concern about its intrinsic merits. Any GCR deployment at the needed scale will incur huge costs that will have to be borne by someone. Your concern about resistance to a carbon tax likewise applies to any conceivable method of picking Peter’s pocket to pay Paul the GCR deployer. In effect, you are pointing out a major barrier to any approach to financing GCR implementation.
Your point about this Robert, and Ron’s point about collective versus individual economic decision making, both reflect the underlying reality that GCR will require an unprecedented degree of action that contravenes individual preferences, or to put it plainly, coercion. So the challenge is to force billions of people to do things, or at least to acquiesce to things, that contravene their preferences.
I will summarize the requirements for successful GCR deployment in the following short list:
1. Capability to apply massive coercion without tearing society apart.
2. Capability to execute the mechanical, technological, and organizational aspects of GCR deployment at the needed scale.
3. Reality-based governance with long-term focus.
I have racked my brain to come up with a real-world example of the confluence of such capabilities in a single entity, and by a process of elimination the closest approximation is China. This leads me to the distasteful conclusion that any reorganization of global society for effective deployment of GCR should seek to emulate the Chinese model in terms of the listed attributes while minimizing the undesirable features that afflict the Chinese system. In this regard, I’m not optimistic that we can have our cake and eat it too, but if not, we might by default leave it in the hands of the Chinese leadership to set the terms of GCR deployment.
Herb, my reading of the mission statement gives me the impression that it is more prescriptive than your comments imply. In any case, this is just a minor quibble in the overall scheme of things.
I have more serious qualms about your statement “In addition any direct climate cooling interventions need to be shown to be safe and effective, characteristics that remain to be authoritatively confirmed.” There are only two ways to establish the safety and effectiveness of something that has never been done before - a randomized trial or a digital twin. The former does not apply and digital twins achieve the needed fidelity only for engineered systems that are designed to be mathematically representable with the needed precision.
Given the risk-vs.-risk perspective that seems to be a longstanding consensus within HPAC, the quoted statement surprises me. Reflecting that apparent consensus, I think that the best we can say given the uncertainties is that the heat stored in the atmosphere is the proximate and primary driver of the thermodynamic engine that causes harmful climate change, so the primary effect of expelling some of that heat is likely to be an overall reduction of climate harms. This does not preclude risky side effects. Indeed, the possibility that cooling will cause worse problems than it solves cannot be ruled out, but the overall balance of risks favors cooling.
I think that all public statements about cooling and GCR should be based on the unvarnished truth. There is a long history of policies that foundered partially due to well-intentioned trimming of the rough edges of the hard truth.
Alan
On Oct 15, 2025, at 5:27 PM, Alan Kerstein <alan.k...@gmail.com> wrote:
Thanks Robert, Herb, and Ron for your insightful comments. I like to think in terms of the Dyad, which is cooling plus all methods of reducing atmospheric GHG concentration (so GCR meaning greenhouse-gas concentration reduction), so I will reply in this framing.
Herb,
The space program catastrophes were first, the fuel tank explosion upon takeoff and second, on a different mission, the detachment of heat-shield tiles resulting in the crash landing. The explosive failure of a valve during another mission caused a near catastrophe that was averted by means of an unlikely sequence of lucky breaks and brilliant improvisations.
This in fact proves the point that Murphy’s law applies even to the most meticulously designed and fabricated engineered system. There were no mission-critical unknowns about externalities such as atmospheric conditions, the environment in the vacuum of space, or the lunar surface. A digital twin of a space mission is likely infeasible even now, but if it were it might have identified the design, manufacturing, and operational deficiencies that caused at least some of the failures. Nevertheless, the Apollo Project was ultimately successful, as you note, despite its huge risks and consequent tragic failures along the way. This is a far different statement than claiming that the risks were reduced to negligible levels from the get-go. (I recognize that you are not claiming this.) Likewise, I believe that cooling deployment will ultimately succeed in delivering substantial net benefits despite significant likelihood of major unanticipated adverse side effects. Again, this is far different than expecting that such side effects can be anticipated and forestalled in advance with high confidence.
Admittedly, my point about random trials and digital twins was a red herring. No justification is needed for the self-evident assertion that the Earth-system response to a significant perturbation of radiative inflows and outflows is subject to major uncertainties that nothing short of full-scale implementation over an extended period can reliably resolve.
Your last two sentences are not inherently problematic, but I am concerned that some implicit if not explicit absolute standard of safety and effectiveness might emerge from the process that is impossible to satisfy, thereby superseding the risk-vs.-risk framing that is needed to achieve the best possible outcome.
Alan
P.S. to Robert C.: I wrote the above before your two most recent emails, which are largely consonant with my viewpoint. Regarding your question “Why bother …?” my answer is that contingency planning is a useful exercise that can help us to formulate a cohesive rationale for our position so that we are ready to step forward confidently when circumstances are conducive. This is the standard change-maker playbook (also would-be revolutionaries, demagogues, despots, etc.).