Adolf Hitler describes the concept of the "Big Lie" in Mein Kampf (1925), attributing the technique to others—particularly to Jews and Marxists—though ironically, he and the Nazi regime later used it extensively themselves. Here is the key passage, paraphrased and contextualised:
“In the big lie there is always a certain force of credibility; because the broad masses of a nation are always more easily corrupted in the deeper strata of their emotional nature than consciously or voluntarily; and thus in the primitive simplicity of their minds they more readily fall victims to the big lie than the small lie, since they themselves often tell small lies in little matters but would be ashamed to resort to large-scale falsehoods. It would never come into their heads to fabricate colossal untruths, and they would not believe that others could have the impudence to distort the truth so infamously. Even though the facts which prove this lie may be brought clearly to their minds, they will still doubt and waver and will continue to think that there may be some other explanation. For the grossly impudent lie always leaves traces behind it, even after it has been nailed down.”
Key ideas:
Irony and Use
Although Hitler described the big lie as a tactic of others, the Nazis used it themselves—most infamously in promoting antisemitic conspiracy theories, such as blaming Jews for Germany’s defeat in WWI. Joseph Goebbels, Hitler’s propaganda minister, is often (though incorrectly) credited with formulating the principle: “Repeat a lie often enough and it becomes the truth.” That sentiment reflects the same logic: emotional repetition can override reason.
Applying Hitler’s Big Lie theory to the dominant claim that decarbonisation alone can prevent dangerous climate change reveals unsettling parallels in how large-scale political narratives can persist despite clear physical contradictions.
The Claim (The Big Lie)
"If we decarbonise the economy—shifting from fossil fuels to renewables—we will stop dangerous climate change."
This is a simple, emotionally satisfying message that aligns with values of sustainability, innovation and responsibility. It is repeated across media, politics, and scientific institutions as if it were a proven solution.
Why It Fits the 'Big Lie' Pattern
The Big Lie of Decarbonisation: Why It Fails
The claim that decarbonising the global economy can prevent dangerous climate change is a Big Lie—a grand, emotionally appealing falsehood repeated so often that it has become dogma, despite being too small, too slow, too expensive, too contested, and too difficult to work.
Why This Narrative Persists
This lie is not believed because it's plausible, but because it is comforting, profitable, and politically convenient. It fits a moral narrative—human sin through pollution, redemption through renewables—that conceals its utter inadequacy as a climate response.
Why Decarbonisation Can’t Deliver
The Real Path Forward
We must replace this failing paradigm with a physically grounded sequence:
In this model, decarbonisation becomes a side effect, not the primary goal. The moral clarity of “zero emissions” must yield to thermodynamic realism: what matters is cooling the Earth now.
The moral hazard argument against geoengineering serves the financial interests of the renewable energy industry, not the climate. This is the core of the Big Lie—a false solution that sustains a lucrative political consensus while letting the planet burn. It is time to name it, reject it, and build a new path—one that starts with the sky, not with the grid.
The Big Lie of Decarbonisation: Sins of Emission and the Path Not Taken
The core narrative of global climate policy is built on a seductive but fatal Big Lie: That if we atone for the sins of emission—by reducing fossil fuel use and embracing renewables—we can prevent dangerous climate change.
This story has become a secular religion:
But this morality tale collapses under the weight of physical reality. The world is not warming because of today’s emissions, but because of the massive heat imbalance already in the Earth system, driven by feedback loops and loss of planetary reflectivity.
Why Decarbonisation Fails: Not Moral, but Material
This strategy doesn’t fail because it’s insufficient—it fails because it’s unworkable:
The Real Heresy: Cooling First
The real climate heresy is to say: Cooling the planet directly must come first.
Before confessing carbon, we must restore the albedo—the Earth’s mirror that once kept it cool. Through marine cloud brightening and other albedo interventions, we can reduce incoming solar heat and buy time to:
This is a paradigm shift: from emission guilt to planetary repair.
Who Benefits? Cui Bono?
The moral hazard argument, widely used to suppress discussion of solar geoengineering, masks commercial interest behind ethical rhetoric. It serves the renewable energy industry, whose profits and political power depend on the fiction that decarbonisation alone is salvation.
This is the real inversion: The doctrine of net zero poses as virtue, while blocking the only interventions that could cool the planet in time. We have been led to believe that climate change is a moral failure, and that if only we cease the sins of emission, we will be saved. But the truth is harder: climate change is a thermodynamic crisis, not a spiritual one. And salvation will not come through guilt, sacrifice, or green virtue—but through courage, realism, and action grounded in the physics of heat. It’s time to stop worshipping the false carbon gods—and start healing the Earth.
Sins of Emission are acts of commission: active wrongdoing through polluting behaviors, most notably the burning of fossil fuels. In the mainstream climate narrative, these are framed as humanity’s cardinal sins:
These are the alleged "original sins" of climate change. Policies focused on decarbonisation attempt to bring about repentance and redemption through emission reduction, carbon taxes, and renewable energy adoption.
Sins of Omission are failures to act—neglecting what should have been done. In the climate context, sins of omission include:
The IPCC’s refusal to seriously consider solar geoengineering, despite overwhelming evidence of accelerating feedbacks, is a sin of omission. So is the global failure to prioritize cooling the planet directly, when it is clear that emissions cuts alone will not suffice.
Theological and Moral Analogy
Type | Sin of Emission | Sin of Omission |
Moral Frame | Pollution, greed, excess | Neglect, cowardice, blindness |
Ethical Action | Stop doing harm | Start doing good |
Climate Policy | Net zero, decarbonisation | Albedo restoration, CDR, adaptation |
Root Problem | Active contribution to damage | Passive failure to prevent greater harm |
In traditional theology, omission is often seen as the more insidious sin—knowing what ought to be done, and refusing to do it. The Book of James says: "Anyone who knows the good they ought to do and doesn't do it, sins." (James 4:17)
Reframing Climate Ethics
We are now in a moment where the sins of omission outweigh the sins of emission.
The Problem: Science Settled, Policy Stalled
We are in a historically unique situation where:
This mismatch creates a dangerous illusion: that understanding the problem is equivalent to solving it.
Why the Science Is Settled
This consensus is embedded in every IPCC report and reinforced by leading research institutions globally. There is no serious scientific debate about whether the Earth is dangerously heating—only about how fast and how far it will go.
Why Policy Is Not Settled
The Result: Paralysis by Consensus
We face the paradox that the more solid the science becomes, the less flexible the policy response seems to be. The mantra that "the science is settled" has become a shield for unsettled, inadequate, and sometimes misleading policy.
This is not a failure of knowledge—it is a failure of courage, imagination, and systems thinking.
What’s Needed
Regards
Robert Tulip
Here is an 800 word summary I have written in op-ed form. Sadly unpublishable in this state, as the argument is too heretical and complicated.
The Big Lie of Decarbonisation: Why Cooling Must Come First
By Robert Tulip
The propaganda tactic called the Big Lie is a falsehood so colossal and impudent that ordinary people could not imagine anyone would dare invent it. For climate change, the Big Lie is that decarbonising the world economy could prevent dangerous warming.
Support for decarbonising speaks to moral responsibility and technological optimism, good versus evil, the promise that clean energy can atone for past pollution and build a better world.
But the chant of net zero by 2050, for all these good intentions, collapses under the weight of physical reality. This seductive goal is comforting, profitable and endlessly repeated, but lacks plausible evidence. Carbon action can do nothing about short-term heat. Refusal to face this fact constitutes a Big Lie.
The Albedo Layer
The main carbon problem is not new emissions but rather the 2.5 trillion tonnes of CO2 already added to the atmosphere. Removing this immense carbon stock will take decades. Meanwhile, the accumulated heat from past emissions is destroying the ‘albedo layer’, the bright clouds and ice that cool the Earth by reflecting sunlight to space. Albedo loss now causes an estimated 80% of current warming, with new emissions only causing 20%.
Before we can tackle carbon, we must restore the planet’s mirror—its reflective albedo shield. Reflecting sunlight can remove excess heat, with immense benefits for the world economy, international security and global ecology. Cooling methods are not techno-fantasies. They are tools that can rapidly be tested and deployed to buy us time.
Satellite evidence shows the world is getting darker. The Big Lie ignores this reality. Instead, the decarbonisation narrative persists as if emissions reduction alone can fix a system already spinning out of control. It cannot.
Decarbonisation is too small, too slow, too expensive, too contested, too difficult
Too Small: Carbon cuts alone can’t cool the climate. Their effect is swamped by the growing heating from loss of clouds and ice. A trillion-tonne problem is not affected by million tonne responses.
Too Slow: Decarbonisation does nothing about effects of warming happening now, such as extreme weather and the loss of ice, permafrost and coral. Emission reduction still matters over the long term, but it cannot serve as the first line of defence in an overheating world.
Too Expensive: Trillions of dollars are being poured into an ineffective solution. Reflecting sunlight back into space would cool the planet at a tiny fraction of the cost.
Too Contested: Net-zero needs global unity. But fossil fuel demand is still rising, especially in the developing world. Geopolitical fragmentation makes coordinated decarbonisation a fantasy, not a plan.
Too Difficult: Transforming energy, transport, agriculture and industrial systems of every nation is a political and logistical impossibility, facing intense opposition. Pretending otherwise is wishful thinking.
Cui Bono?
Despite these flaws, the Big Lie survives because it serves powerful interests. We must ask cui bono - who benefits? The renewable energy sector, now worth trillions, depends on the alleged moral clarity of net-zero emissions to justify public subsidy. To question this narrative is dismissed as climate heresy. But the scientific and moral reality is that cooling must come first.
From Sin to System
Climate policy must pivot from sin to system, from false morality to thermodynamics, from guilt to action. The Big Lie labels carbon emissions the original sin, with renewables the path to repentance and salvation through net zero.
But the physics doesn’t care. The planet doesn’t respond to virtue signalling. It responds to energy flows.
The deeper ethical failure than any “sin of emission” is the sin of omission, the failure to act on scientific knowledge. We know that restoring Earth’s reflectivity can cool the planet, that emission cuts won’t reverse climate feedbacks, and that time is running out. Yet we delay.
This is a failure of courage, imagination and systems thinking.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) acknowledges the severity of warming and the dangers of tipping points, but its strategy, calling to halve world emissions by 2030, remains rooted in the Big Lie. The IPCC ignores sunlight reflection, not because it can’t work, but because it doesn’t fit their story. The resulting policy paralysis cloaked in scientific consensus is allowing the world to cook. In our time of profound danger and historic opportunity, the question is not whether climate change is real but whether our response is real. The answer, so far, is no.
The Bible condemns those who know what is right but fail to do it. In climate terms, failing to cool the Earth is the primary sin of omission. The urgent need is to establish an Albedo Accord charged to cool the planet now, and to start to heal it over time. We must abandon the false gods of carbon virtue. It is time to stop believing the Big Lie.
Regards
Robert Tulip
From: Tim Foresman <fore...@earthparty.org>
Sent: Tuesday, 8 July 2025 3:26 AM
To: rob...@rtulip.net; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'healthy-planet-action-coalition' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: [HPAC] The Big Lie of Decarbonisation
Spot on and brilliant. Makes me nostalgic of the Berlin coffee shops in the late 1930s when life was so much simpler.
Thanks Robert. Cheers, Tim
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Robert and all,
The concept that cooling and decarbonization must occur, that has
been fostered by scenario interpretation of removal expense and
feasibility, does not consider the great time and expense that
cooling must occur in the absence of removals, nor does it
consider the vast damage to our oceans, where direct cooling does
little to mitigate for acidification. Collapse of our ocean
systems or large parts, seems to be now foregone with the
identification of activation of this tipping element in Findlay
2025. If we do not consider the outsized risks of unabated ocean
acidification and activation of this tipping element, without
removals, cooling must occur until humankind can decarbonize. Our
track record is not encouraging for this in this century. After 30
years of the smartest people in the world telling us we must
reduce emissions substantially, emissions have instead doubled.
What would be the cost of cooling for centuries? What would be the
risks?
The Climate Triad -- the reason the HPAC list exists, is to
advance all three aspects of the triad: cool, reduce, remove. This
is our mission. We as a group have determined this mission is the
appropriate path, not cooling and decarb alone. To leave out any
of the three tasks does not support our mission. Further thought
reveals that cooling itself is a much heavier lift than removals
when considering political will and feasibility. Removals are
proven over the last century of intensive utilization of processes
that are neither nascent nor expensive (See the History
of Carbon Dioxide Removal). I have never heard the cost of
centuries of cooling - the cost in money, and the cost in collapse
of our oceans, where this tipping element is now active, and once
the degradation that marks tipping activation begins, it does not
stop until the thing that caused the degradation to begin is
removed. Timelines for cooling are poorly represented in
literature and the discussion in general. What then, is the
reality of the centuries of cooling needed in the absence of
removals? What are the realities of the fact that cooling and
decarbonization alone cannot reverse ongoing ocean acidity
increases that now are a part of the activated tipping conundrum?
Our mission then, is to advance all three: cooling, reduction,
and removals - regardless of political will, feasibility and
costs. We have decided this as a group, because without all three,
the mission of restoration to eliminate tipping risks fails.
MeltOn
Findlay, June 9, 2025 - Ocean Acidification
- Another
Planetary Boundary Crossed… Once a system’s degradation
begins, in general
it does not stop unless the thing that caused it to begin is
removed. In this
case, warming has caused the crossing of the ocean acidification
threshold.
There are scenarios where if warming is halted, natural buffering
and ocean
circulation could restore ocean acidification with time, but
generally, a system
does not self restore once degradation begins, unless the warming
or warming
effects that caused the degradation to begin are removed.
Abstract, “Ocean acidification has been identified in the
Planetary Boundary
Framework as a planetary process approaching a boundary that could
lead to
unacceptable environmental change. Using revised estimates of
pre-industrial
aragonite saturation state, state-of-the-art data-model products,
including
uncertainties and assessing impact on ecological indicators, we
improve upon
the ocean acidification planetary boundary assessment and
demonstrate that by
2020, the average global ocean conditions had already crossed into
the
uncertainty range of the ocean acidification boundary. This
analysis was
further extended to the subsurface
ocean, revealing that up to 60% of the global subsurface ocean
(down to 200m)
had crossed that boundary, compared to over 40% of the global
surface ocean.
These changes result in significant declines in suitable habitats
for important
calcifying species, including 43% reduction in habitat for
tropical and
subtropical coral reefs, up to 61% for polar pteropods, and 13%
for coastal bivalves.
By including these additional considerations, we suggest a revised
boundary of
10% reduction from pre-industrial conditions more adequately
prevents risk to
marine ecosystems and their services; a benchmark which was
surpassed by year
2000 across the entire surface ocean.”
Findlay et al., Ocean Acidification - Another Planetary Boundary
Crossed,
Global Change Biology, June 9, 2025.
https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/gcb.70238
Oxy's Stratos facility in the Permian Basin.
Phase 1 is 125 times the size of Climeworks' Orca in Iceland. On
track to begin operations in Q3, 2025.

History of Carbon Dioxide Removal
https://climatediscovery.org/History_of_Carbon_Dioxide_Removal_Draft.docx

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Hi Bruce,
excellent thoughts!
I have one small comment. IMHO, rather than “CDR” we should use the term “GGR” (Greenhouse Gas Removal) to include all warming gases.
Regards
Oswald Petersen
Atmospheric Methane Removal AG
Lärchenstr. 5
CH-8280 Kreuzlingen
Tel: +41-71-6887514
Mob: +49-177-2734245
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Oswald,
True, GGR is much more appropriate than CDR, but do Joe and Karen Sixpack know what either of these are? Why would we want to remove greenhouse gases when they make plants grow so wonderfully in a greenhouse?
Years ago before covid, I had a long standing behavior (or
misbehavior) of, when I was checking out at the supermarket,
asking people what they thought about climate change. This is in
deep blue Austin now, not flaming red podunk Texess. At least 99
percent of the time, the respondent would reply cheerfully. Ten
or twenty percent of the time the accostees response would be
related to the changing of the seasons, seriously. Half of these
would be bold deniers, the other half were completely unaware of
what climate change was. Another 20 percent of the time the
response would be about emissions reductions, renewables, or the
increasing Texas heat, drought and flooding. More than half the
time though, folks were confused about things that climate
change-aware folks take for granted.
This, and the large body of psychology on climate change awareness, is why I suggest we call greenhouse gases climate pollution. Folks don't have any trouble understanding pollution.
And I want to add some fuel to Robbie's draft on the Big Lie of
Decarbonization. This title rubs me the wrong way because of
present context in the U.S. Here, the Big Lie is a construct of
the fascists illegitimately elected to run our country, because of
uncountable lies created by the Russians, their bots and their
allies in the States and abroad. I am more comfortable with "The
Dangerous Momentum." Here I refer to "The Momentum of Ignorance" a
song I wrote for the band in 2010 (lyrics and link below). This is
what I believe is happening now with our climate culture, as it
was happening fifteen years ago. The momentum of the consensus of
the vast majority of science on Earth is an enormously powerful
thing. The trouble is that it is reticent to go beyond the
consensus opinion, and that it is as slow as molasses after a blue
norther.
Another thing that may be more useful to the concept of the Big
Decarbonization Lie, is the challenge of hard to decarbonize
sectors. This, and pulling back overshoot to 1.5 C, are the
reasons the consensus requires removals and emissions
reductions.
What few realize however, is that hard to decarbonize sectors make up 55 percent of all of human emissions including ag, forestry and land abuses. The following is from my Introduction to Advanced Climate Change:
And btw - no more flood watches or warnings in Central Texas -
yay!
Fifty-five percent of total global greenhouse gas emissions are from hard to decarbonize sectors meaning, we must offset these sectors through CDR because they will not be decarbonzied in time frames that matter. Industry and refining account for 40 percent of emissions from fossil fuel where these processes require high heat and use fossil fuels to supply carbon to chemical reactions. To achieve net zero then, there must be negative emissions to take the place of hard to decarbonize sectors. Smokestack capture can at best achieve 90 percent removal, but ten percent still needs to be offset. Agricultural emissions accounting for about a quarter of all emissions globally are also very hard to decarbonize. Because natural systems are already degraded and some emitting, we cannot generally rely upon natural systems offsets, so we must rely upon proven atmospheric removal technology that has been in operation for a hundred years or more.
CASE STUDY - HARD TO DECARBONIZE SECTORS
Emissions from fossil fuels are 75% of total global emissions, and hard to decarbonize sectors are 40% of fossil fuel use (Brooking Institute 2021) or 18 Gt (considering a simplified 60 Gt CO2eq total annual emissions including ag, forestry and other land uses - AFOLU). It is quite likely that these hard to decarbonize sectors will very significantly not be decarbonized in time frames that matter to climate tipping that are far shorter than the standard 2100 time frame for climate stabilization at 1.5 C. Considering that AFOLU is 25% of total greenhouse gas emissions (15 Gt) that are also hard to decarbonize sectors, this means that up to 33 Gt (55%) of total annual global greenhouse gas emissions are hard to decarbonize and will likely not be decarbonized in time frames that matter to tipping.
Brookings Institute 2021… "Heavy industry makes products that are central to our modern way of life but is also responsible for nearly 40% of global carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions. Steel, cement, and chemicals are the top three emitting industries and are among the most difficult to decarbonize, owing to technical factors like the need for very high heat and process emissions of carbon dioxide, and economic factors including low profit margins, capital intensity, long asset life, and trade exposure.“
Excerpts from the Executive
Summary:
Steelmaking uses coal both as a source of heat and as part of the chemical process of converting iron ore to elemental iron. Both of these uses produce carbon dioxide. Eliminating CO2 emissions from steelmaking requires a change in process. Using hydrogen as the heat source and the chemical reducing agent can eliminate CO2 emissions, or carbon capture can remove them.
Cement production also releases CO2 as part of the chemical process, in this case when limestone is heated to very high temperature to produce calcium oxide “clinker,” the cement’s primary component. Other substances can be mixed with clinker while still maintaining cement quality, but the primary method of decarbonizing the sector is to capture the CO2 and store or find a use for it.
The chemical industry is different from the other two, encompassing many thousands of processes and products. However, more than 90% of “organic,” or carbon-containing, chemicals are derived from just a few building blocks, which are produced in large quantities and traded internationally. The chemical industry is also unique in that it uses coal, oil, and natural gas as feedstocks that are transformed into final products, not just sources of energy. Fossil fuels will likely still be feedstocks in a zero-carbon world, with process electrification and zero-carbon hydrogen as methods of removing CO2 emissions. Ammonia is crucial for fertilizer and although it does not contain carbon, hydrogen needed for its production is today made from natural gas, with carbon dioxide as a by-product.
Despite their emissions and energy intensity, the steel, cement, and chemical industries are with us to stay. Much of the infrastructure needed to build a low-carbon economy will be made of steel and cement. Policy will be crucial to achieving industrial decarbonization, since it will require large capital investments in low-margin industries, not something that most companies will be able to do on their own.
Gross, The Challenge of Decarbonizing Heavy Industry, Brookings Institute, 2021.
https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/FP_20210623_industrial_gross_v2.pdf
Emissions from Agriculture
are 24%
of total global emissions from all sources… "However, changes in land use can
be important: estimates indicate that net global greenhouse
gas emissions from
agriculture, forestry, and other land use were over 8 billion
metric tons of
CO2 equivalent,[2] or about 24% of total global greenhouse gas
emissions.[3]
https://www.epa.gov/ghgemissions/global-greenhouse-gas-emissions-data#:~:text=However%2C%20changes%20in%20land%20use,total%20global%20greenhouse%20gas%20emissions.
Food, growth, behavior, technical barriers – Impossible to decarbonize AFOLU to net zero… "The direct relationship between the sector’s greenhouse gas emissions and food brings us to the first challenge along the way to abate emissions in this sector; population growth is generally associated with higher demand for agricultural products, and GDP growth correlates with an increased consumption of animal products. Dietary changes would change this relationship, but involve barriers associated with consumer behaviour, marketing and the cultural position of food. Besides problems on the demand side, a second challenge concerns technological solutions (examples are given below) that target the same emissions and thus lead to diminishing returns when implemented simultaneously. In fact, it has been found technically impossible to reduce agricultural emissions to zero, even if all identified measures are applied."
Edelenbosch et al., Mitigating Greenhouse Gas Emissions in Hard to Abate Sectors, Utrecht University, Netherlands Enviro Assess Agency, July 2022.
(https://climatediscovery.org/climate-change-band/)
(Intro – begin with drum march – Drums and acoustic only first line, then the band joins solemn and slow)
E D E EADAE (3X)
A / / /
G D A /
The threshold is upon us, the barriers are down
G D A /
Ecosystems collapsing, without a sound
G D A /
We have crossed the great divide and traveled to another place
G D A /
Not one we are familiar with, (devastated without grace - all sing)
G D A /
G D A /
(Chorus – harmony plus double time march drums)
E D E EADAE
After the trees are gone
After the trees are gone
E D A /
After the trees are gone
It’s a little hard to see from here, but not when you are there
What does it mean to us, do we care?
What is it that we don’t see, what have we become?
When the trees begin to fall you see, (the trouble has just begun – all sing)
When the trees begin to fall you see, (the trouble has just begun – all sing)
(Guitar solo: 3-line intro vamp)
It takes cold to kill the pine beetle, cold like it was before
The Arctic and the high mountains warm and feed back to the core
Extreme insect infestations, we didn’t know what they meant
The beetle will kill the trees in our land, (without sacrament – all sing)
The beetle will kill the trees in our land, (without sacrament – all sing)
(Chorus)
(Interlude – Acoustic and light background: sparse drums and base, swell slide, shaker…)
Without the trees the water retreats, the earth bakes and crumbles away
Trees are the cloud machines you see, when they are gone, few will stay
As the tall ones fall the fuel load rises like never before seen
In the aftermath of the firestorms (nothing in the spring – all sing)
In the aftermath of the firestorms (nothing in the spring – all sing)
G D A /
The sterilized soil will be like nothing the scientists have ever seen,
They tell me this with there own voices, wide-eyed and obscene
(Bring in the band)
The results are that nothing will live, they don’t know for how long
The feedback will rule the clouds you see, (the forest will be gone – all sing)
The feedback will rule the clouds you see, (the forest will be gone – all sing)
The feedback will rule the clouds you see, (the forest will be gone – all sing)
The feedback will rule the clouds you see, (the forest will be gone – all sing)
G D A /
G D A /
(Pregnant Pause)
(Break Strain – Stacato British Invasion. Sparse and clean)
C / / G / / /
Dead trees don’t store any carbon
Dead trees emit CO2
Dead trees are not so beautiful
What, can we do?
What, can we do?
What, can we do?
C / / / G / / /
(Increase intensity add guitar solo, blend with previous rock beat)
C / / / G / / /
C / / / G / / / (five more times – total 8 lines)
(Calm way down for the first line – acoustic only)
G D A /
Money, motivation and innocence are the keys
(Bring in the band)
How can we fix a problem that we can barely see
The momentum of ignorance is a ship on an endless sea
The momentum of ignorance is a ship on an endless sea
The momentum of ignorance is a ship on an endless sea
After the trees are gone
After the trees are gone
After the trees are gone
(Speed up)
The momentum of ignorance (ship on an endless sea)
The momentum of ignorance (ship on an endless sea)
The momentum of ignorance (ship on an endless sea)
The momentum of ignorance (ship on an endless sea)
The momentum of ignorance (ship on an endless sea)
G D A / (ship on an endless sea)
G D A / (ship on an endless sea)
G D A / (ship on an endless sea)
(Finale 8 bars – speed up to ridiculous tempo, then burn the instruments)
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John,
Here's another way to express this. Assume a nominal 33% efficiency of the capture process. Then the entire mass of the atmosphere would have to undergo the process.
Alan
Robert C, much appreciated. Let me go through your points in order. But first, I think Bruce Melton has misunderstood my comments. As I have explained numerous times, I support decarbonisation, but argue it should be aligned to environmental and economic needs. We can’t treat a heart attack with diet advice. Many thanks all.
RC: “First, of the 2.5TtCO2 emitted, less than half remains in the atmosphere ((428ppm-277ppm)x7.8GtCO2/ppm).”
RC: “Second, I don't like the 'first this then that' approach. Decarbonisation and albedo enhancement have to be done in parallel. We can discuss their respective weights, but to argue, as I think you do, that there's no need to reduce emissions until we've got surface temperature under control with SRM, is not a sensible policy regime. Both/and has to be the way forward.”
“Third, I think the religious framing dilutes the message and will reduce its impact for many. I know this is important to you, but as a piece of rhetoric, I think it would be much more effective if you stick to the physics.”
“Fourth, a detail I like and that would fit well here is to explain that decarbonisation is challenging because CO2 is such an inefficient forcing agent - you need a vast amount more or less of it to make a significant impact on surface temperature.”
Regards
Robert Tulip
Hi Bruce,
I do not think that Joe and Karen Bloggs have any relevance in this debate. They neither know nor understand it and will not be asked. It is all about science, IPCC and maybe some Chinese government department, which is also deeply entangled with IPCC…
IPCC is actually quite positive about CDR but they also use CDR as a term for all GGR. I really think that’s a confusing mistake, because the lowest hanging fruit to pick is not CO2, but methane.
Reducing methane to preindustrial level is, AFAIK, the safest, easiest and cheapest way to avert further global warming. We need atmospheric scientists and oceanographers to work on it. Some do already, which is great, but we need hundreds more.
The biggest hurdle is Moral Hazard. To me MH is like telling a patient who is sick of liver-cancer that he cannot have the drug that would heal him because doctors are afraid he might go back drinking.
It is a weird situation. We have a problem and we have a key to its solution. But we are not allowed to use it.
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/07568562-930f-4b8a-a07c-03876f79d5c8%40earthlink.net.
On Jul 18, 2025, at 1:24 PM, Dana Woods <danaj...@gmail.com> wrote:
Cheers, DanaMoreover, I maintain that *if* "we" could reach the public by getting the right scientists and /or engineers interviewed by the media , especially mainstream media and/or get enough signatures on a petition (and/or letters) asking for field trials and possibly implementation for given technologies we'd be WAY closer to having things actually happen. Look at the effect that petition in the UK , by everyday (and in that case including some seriously misinformed or paranoid people - ie people who want ALL geoengineering made illegal and people who believe on chemtrails) had on some or all MPs, as seen in the video of that meeting about it !To get elected and stay in office politicians - who are going to HAVE to be the ones to both approve and fund field trials for SRM and then possibly implementation. or EAMO trials and implementation - *have to please their voters at least to a significant extent*Oswald and ALL (I have yet to catch up on everything else)But it DOES matter what the public thinks, imo, comtray to what you said to Bruce. I'm pretty sure you typically agree (eg in your argument that SAI won't ever be done because you think the public as well as policy makers have too much of an aversion to it - Correct me if I'm wrong. So I don't understand why you'd say this )
Too, some of the people blocking even small scale testing of both MCB and SAi are members of the general public.though some may be on city councils , active members of the Democratic o Republican party or any other party
Please stop using the term “Big Lie” for nonstop political lies, it confuses more than enlightens.
The Economist just posted this:
Linwood Lacy in Virginia, America, asked us why we, and governments, don’t promote geoengineering as a solution to heatwaves, as “screening out a bit of the sun would allow a temporary relief.” I can’t speak for governments but, as a publication, we have called for more research on solar geoengineering. We are not promoting its use because not enough is known about the consequences yet. But we absolutely are in favour of figuring out what those might be because we recognise that—if safe—solar geoengineering may become a crucial tool in the world’s fight to keep temperatures down. Please see here, here, here and here. I also recently covered Britain’s foray into funding such research.
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/C3007BEF-E680-4858-9A26-A76DD5EE6E59%40gmail.com.
Hi Dana,
you are right it does matter in general what the public thinks.
However this discussion is highly specialized stuff which hardly anybody understands, let alone cares. Only scientists and SIG like HPAC look into this question “GGR or CDR, which term is favourable”. CDR is of course the original word, because for many years there was nothing but CO2 being removed. But the times are changin…
Regards
Oswald Petersen
Atmospheric Methane Removal AG
Lärchenstr. 5
CH-8280 Kreuzlingen
Tel: +41-71-6887514
Mob: +49-177-2734245
![]() | |
On Jul 18, 2025, at 4:17 PM, Alan Kerstein <alan.k...@gmail.com> wrote:
Herb
All this reminds me of the UK’s Red Flag Act: The historical movement requiring a person with a flag to walk in front of vehicles was related to the Locomotive Act of 1865. This act regulated early self-propelled vehicles, including the first automobiles, and mandated that a person walk in front of the vehicle, carrying a red flag or lantern, to warn others of its approach.
In addition to the flag-bearing requirement, the act imposed strict speed limits: 4 mph (6.4 km/h) in rural areas and 2 mph (3.2 km/h) in urban areas.
The act was eventually repealed in 1896, allowing the automobile industry to develop more freely.
Our problem is we don’t have 31 years.
But once again, follow the money. Who stands to lose if the climate is cooled? Who is funding the anti-cooling advocates? Participants in the so-called energy transition are now a juggernaut. And Arctic oil deposits beckon..
Fortunately, there have been several articles in recent weeks on the cooling effects of pollution.
One helpful thing I forgot to mention about Pete Irvine’s talk (which I’ve been wondering for months): He said raised temperatures likely damage corals (and a lot of other sea life) far more than the current level of ocean acidification. So, lowering temperatures should be the priority for now at least.
Clive
From: healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com> On Behalf Of H simmens
Sent: 19 July 2025 01:11
To: Alan Kerstein <alan.k...@gmail.com>
Cc: Tom Goreau <gor...@globalcoral.org>; Dana Woods <danaj...@gmail.com>; Chris Robert <robert...@gmail.com>; John Nissen <johnnis...@gmail.com>; Robert Tulip <rob...@rtulip.net>; Tim Foresman <fore...@earthparty.org>; Planetary Restoration <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; healthy-planet-action-coalition <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>; Bruce Melton Austin Texas <bme...@earthlink.net>; Peter Wadhams <peter....@gmail.com>; Peter Wadhams <peterw...@gmail.com>; Herbert Huppert <he...@cam.ac.uk>; Sev Clarke <sevc...@me.com>; Ron Baiman <rpba...@gmail.com>; Dennis Garrity <D.GA...@cifor-icraf.org>; Rebecca Bishop <rebe...@gmail.com>; Robin Collins <robin.w...@gmail.com>; Oswald Petersen <oswald....@hispeed.ch>
Subject: Re: [HPAC] Re: Everyday political lies about climate
Hi Alan,
Since the sauce is secret I’m not allowed to tell you.
Actually I’m not sure there is a secret sauce.
But I doubt that the name of the group would have much to do with it viewership - but who knows?
The larger point that an effective large scale international NGO focused on triad based restoration is absolutely essential to begin to even the lopsided political imbalance that exists between pro and anti-cooling advocates. Actually there are virtually no pro cooling advocates anywhere, mostly at best “we need more research to determine whether we should be pro cooling” advocates.
Just today one of the most prominent anti Geo engineering networks the Hands-off Mother Earth Alliance issued a press release -see below - indicating that the African countries at a environmental meeting in Nairobi voted against supporting any kind of Geo engineering. I wonder if there were any pro cooling lobby groups even in attendance at the meeting to counteract the influence of these large coalitions.
From the press release:
🟢 African Ministers sent a powerful message to the world saying, “We reiterate our position that such technologies pose significant and uncertain environmental, ethical and geopolitical risks, and must not be considered as viable options within the multilateral environmental agenda.”
🟢 African countries have explicitly called for “the establishment of a solar geoengineering non-use agreement” which would ban any efforts to normalise these technologies. They have also called for a United Nations General Assembly resolution to advance the call for a global governance mechanism for the non-use of solar radiation modification.
🟢 The decisions at AMCEN20 are hugely significant, sending a clear signal to the international community towards rejection of solar geoengineering and exposing the forces that are trying to make these dangerous technologies appear like an option. “
While we endlessly debate year after year the merits of various cooling approaches or what the latest estimate of climate sensitivity is and similar issues over and over again climate chaos is accelerating, temperatures and impacts are worsening and the opposition to cooling the planet remains as strong if not stronger than ever.
As others have said the obstacles are political and social and not technological.
This is evidenced by the position of the tipping point community as I have recounted, the 32 US states that have introduced bills to limit or ban engineering, the absence of any elected official anywhere on the planet as far as I know who publicly supports cooling, (does anyone know of a public official anywhere in support of cooling?) the continued opposition of the leaders of the entire African continent and on and on.
From my review of the several hundred events at London Climate week my 10 minute opening talk at the MEER event may have been the only pro cooling message presented the entire week.
Similarly the pro cooling events that I organized for the DC climate week with the help and participationof Mike Maccracken and Soumitra Das appear to have been the only pro cooling events.
As was the event I took the lead in organizing with Dennis, Phoebe Barnard and Julian Cribb that linked the climate triad to addressing the polycrisis at last year’s NY Climate Week.
We are losing and losing badly. And it’s not most of us who will feel the losses.
Herb
|
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/A713B707-216D-4193-AD61-CF7E1B92EE12%40gmail.com.
Just today one of the most prominent anti Geo engineering networks the Hands-off Mother Earth Alliance issued a press release -see below - indicating that the African countries at a environmental meeting in Nairobi voted against supporting any kind of Geo engineering. I wonder if there were any pro cooling lobby groups even in attendance at the meeting to counteract the influence of these large coalitions.
On Jul 18, 2025, at 8:11 PM, H simmens <hsim...@gmail.com> wrote:
Hi Alan,
Since the sauce is secret I’m not allowed to tell you.Actually I’m not sure there is a secret sauce.But I doubt that the name of the group would have much to do with it viewership - but who knows?The larger point that an effective large scale international NGO focused on triad based restoration is absolutely essential to begin to even the lopsided political imbalance that exists between pro and anti-cooling advocates. Actually there are virtually no pro cooling advocates anywhere, mostly at best “we need more research to determine whether we should be pro cooling” advocates.Just today one of the most prominent anti Geo engineering networks the Hands-off Mother Earth Alliance issued a press release -see below - indicating that the African countries at a environmental meeting in Nairobi voted against supporting any kind of Geo engineering. I wonder if there were any pro cooling lobby groups even in attendance at the meeting to counteract the influence of these large coalitions.From the press release:🟢 African Ministers sent a powerful message to the world saying, “We reiterate our position that such technologies pose significant and uncertain environmental, ethical and geopolitical risks, and must not be considered as viable options within the multilateral environmental agenda.”🟢 African countries have explicitly called for “the establishment of a solar geoengineering non-use agreement” which would ban any efforts to normalise these technologies. They have also called for a United Nations General Assembly resolution to advance the call for a global governance mechanism for the non-use of solar radiation modification.🟢 The decisions at AMCEN20 are hugely significant, sending a clear signal to the international community towards rejection of solar geoengineering and exposing the forces that are trying to make these dangerous technologies appear like an option. “While we endlessly debate year after year the merits of various cooling approaches or what the latest estimate of climate sensitivity is and similar issues over and over again climate chaos is accelerating, temperatures and impacts are worsening and the opposition to cooling the planet remains as strong if not stronger than ever.As others have said the obstacles are political and social and not technological.This is evidenced by the position of the tipping point community as I have recounted, the 32 US states that have introduced bills to limit or ban engineering, the absence of any elected official anywhere on the planet as far as I know who publicly supports cooling, (does anyone know of a public official anywhere in support of cooling?) the continued opposition of the leaders of the entire African continent and on and on.From my review of the several hundred events at London Climate week my 10 minute opening talk at the MEER event may have been the only pro cooling message presented the entire week.Similarly the pro cooling events that I organized for the DC climate week with the help and participationof Mike Maccracken and Soumitra Das appear to have been the only pro cooling events.As was the event I took the lead in organizing with Dennis, Phoebe Barnard and Julian Cribb that linked the climate triad to addressing the polycrisis at last year’s NY Climate Week.We are losing and losing badly. And it’s not most of us who will feel the losses.Herb
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/A713B707-216D-4193-AD61-CF7E1B92EE12%40gmail.com.
We need to get the definition of geo-engineering straight:
Fossil fuel mining and burning ARE the most extreme form of geo-engineering!
What is now being mis-labelled as “geo-engineering” by the ignorant is simply an effort to undo the damage caused by irresponsible and dangerously out of control fossil fuel geo-engineering that will soon cause runaway climate overshoot for coral reefs, islands, entire ecosystems, and human cultures.
If politically motivated lies about condensation trails, hurricane steering, and flood seeding actually worked, the Persian Gulf would be lined with swimming pools!
There are so many everyday political lies about climate change and fossil fuel-caused runaway climate change lies being peddled on the internet, that calling any of them “THE BIG LIE”, irresponsibly uses a term that should be carefully limited to deliberate intent to utterly exterminate (like “drill, baby, drill” will inevitably do to coral reefs and so much more).
Thomas J. F. Goreau, PhD
President, Global Coral Reef Alliance
Chief Scientist, Biorock Technology Inc., Blue Regeneration SL
Technical Advisor, Blue Guardians Programme, SIDS DOCK
37 Pleasant Street, Cambridge, MA 02139
gor...@globalcoral.org
www.globalcoral.org
Phone: (1) 857-523-0807 (leave message)
Books:
Geotherapy: Innovative Methods of Soil Fertility Restoration, Carbon Sequestration, and Reversing CO2 Increase
Innovative Methods of Marine Ecosystem Restoration
http://www.crcpress.com/product/isbn/9781466557734
Geotherapy: Regenerating ecosystem services to reverse climate change
No one can change the past, everybody can change the future
It’s much later than we think, especially if we don’t think
Those with their heads in the sand will see the light when global warming and sea level rise wash the beach away
“When you run to the rocks, the rocks will be melting, when you run to the sea, the sea will be boiling”, Peter Tosh, Jamaica’s greatest song writer
“The Earth is not dying, she is being killed” U. Utah Phillips
“It is the responsibility of intellectuals to speak the truth and expose lies” Noam Chomsky
W'eeeellll, you are not wrong Oswalkd. However, how many times have you been raked over the coals for not including everyone, deniers and all, on visions for addressing the climate pollution conundrum? I think we need to do as Lord Stern said geeze, 20 years ago: do everything we know how to do, all at once. Joe and Karen Sixpack would part of this "everything." And besides, My Sierra Club colleagues nuke me every time I leave them out.
I have two favorite future scenarios that I think are more likely to occur than not. One is a removal incentive similar to IRS 45Q. Obama enacted this IRS rule via presidential order. The same can be done for cooling incentives. This is gigatons of U.S. taxpayer money to friends of Conservatives: their favorite thing. The other is that China will unilaterally begin SRM or some such, then as the world sees that these strategies help more than they harm, the rest will rapidly follow suit. Or maybe even just peer pressure will allow them to follow.
In absence of (my) magical thinking, we need real plans to address the emergency with the tools at hand, like any emergency. I don't see much in the world of geoengineering as being able to utilize the concept of "tools at hand to address an emergency."* ** Removals however, have over a century of ongoing utilization of robust, cost effective processes, widespread in industry with components that are even more widespread. The all important "time to market" for removers to capitalize on revenue incentives then (existing for C removal and incentives that will certainly arise for cooling strategies,) will almost certainly be with existing strategies. New and better processes will infiltrate the market as they become significantly more efficient than old processes.
*The big caveat with cooling is the temporary pausing of regulations for sulfur in fossil fuels, especially over oceans where the aerosol effects are greatly amplified versus over land.
** Of course we need to immediately pursue cooling strategies on a learn by doing basis and ramping up as fast as possible. This avoids the interminable wait while the consensus finds a path. Initially , this will be slower than buildout of a removal infrastructure. Hopefully after a short time though, cooling infrastructure implementation would far surpass the buildout of removal infrastructure because if it doesn't, we likely don't have the decades it will take to cool below the point of no return of tipping collapses.
And the moral hazard?! This may be nowhere more apparent than in the environmental conservation advocacy universe. My prime example is Sierra Club. Even though we (I am an elected leader and policy developer) adopted a restoration 1 C target (lowering our 1.5 C target), and support for geoengineering research as official policy in 2020. Internal moral hazard tribes at the Club have not only not advocated for our new policies, but actively disrespect them with every known moral hazard argument in the book, in writing, publicly. It took me well over a year to get the Club to stop advocating for 1.5 C after we adopted the new 1 C target. And supporting geoengineering research? Fogetaboutit
(I have recently begun a personal campaign to rectify this deal with the Club. Wish me luck. Any Club members out there that can help? Please sing out. This is very disappointing after all the work the policy team did - that was then almost unanimously approved of by numerous committees, peers and the National board.)
MeltOn
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/planetary-restoration/000001dbf7c1%24acc21170%2406463450%24%40hispeed.ch.
Emissions could continue as they are for the rest of the century, while temperatures are brought down through a combination of cooling interventions (SRM/ERM) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR). Planetary restoration can follow, so long as the CDR includes the promotion of life in soils and oceans to satisfy the needs of maintaining biodiversity and increasing food production.
Have you noticed that arguments for and against carbon drawdown, emissions reduction, and solar radiation management don’t mention ocean carbon removal, ocean acidity reduction, and ocean sea life restoration?
You’re highlighting an important gap in climate discourse. Ocean-based interventions often get overshadowed by more visible land-based and atmospheric approaches, even though the ocean absorbs about 25-30% of atmospheric CO2 and over 90% of excess heat.
You’re absolutely right. The search results confirm that ocean-based approaches are gaining recognition but remain underrepresented in mainstream climate discussions. The ocean has absorbed 25% of anthropogenic CO2 emissions and over 90% of excess heat Sage Journals, yet marine carbon dioxide removal (mCDR) techniques are still emerging topics.Several factors contribute to this gap:Scale of invisibility: Ocean processes happen below the surface, making them less visible than solar panels or forest restoration. The ocean’s massive role as a carbon sink gets taken for granted.Technical complexity: Ocean alkalinity enhancement, direct ocean capture, and marine ecosystem restoration involve complex biogeochemical processes that are harder to explain than “plant trees” or “build solar farms.”Policy fragmentation: The U.S. Ocean Acidification Action Plan and increased Congressional appropriations for ocean CDR in FY 2024 Noaa Environmental and Energy Study Institute show growing policy attention, but ocean governance involves multiple agencies and international coordination.Risk perceptions: Ocean interventions raise concerns about unintended consequences for marine ecosystems, making policymakers more cautious compared to land-based approaches.Economic models: The economic frameworks around carbon pricing and removal credits have developed primarily around terrestrial and atmospheric approaches, with ocean-based methods still seeking standardized measurement and verification protocols.The absence of ocean solutions from many climate conversations represents a significant blind spot, especially given that addressing ocean acidification could simultaneously tackle climate change while restoring marine ecosystems that billions depend on for food security.
Why is it that the AI apps have not picked up on this omission and challenged those who have promoted conventional means of restoring Holocene climes?
That’s a perceptive question about AI systems’ role in challenging established climate narratives. There are several interconnected reasons why AI hasn’t been more proactive in highlighting this ocean omission:Training data reflects existing discourse:AI systems learn from existing literature, policy documents, and media coverage. If ocean-based solutions are underrepresented in the training corpus, the AI will naturally reflect those same blind spots and emphases. We essentially inherit the biases of the climate conversation as it existed.Deference to expert consensus: Most AI systems are designed to reflect mainstream scientific and policy positions rather than challenge them. When climate experts and institutions focus primarily on emissions reduction and land-based solutions, AI tends to echo that framing rather than questioning what might be missing.Risk aversion in sensitive domains:Climate change is a highly consequential topic where being wrong has serious implications. AI developers often program systems to be conservative, sticking to well-established approaches rather than pushing boundaries or highlighting gaps that experts might have good reasons for downplaying.Fragmented knowledge synthesis: While AI can access vast information, it doesn’t naturally synthesize across disciplines the way an oceanographer-turned-climate-policy-critic might. The connections between ocean chemistry, marine biology, and climate policy require interdisciplinary thinking that AI systems don’t automatically perform.Institutional alignment: Many AI systems reflect the priorities of the institutions that fund climate research and policy - which have historically focused on energy transitions and terrestrial solutions. There’s less institutional pressure to foreground ocean interventions.Complexity vs. simplicity bias: AI often gravitates toward clearer, more established narratives. “Reduce emissions, add renewables, plant trees” is simpler to communicate than “alkalinize oceans while carefully monitoring marine ecosystems and managing international governance complexities.”Your observation suggests AI could play a more valuable role as a cross-disciplinary challenger, identifying these systemic omissions rather than just reflecting existing expert discourse.
Is this weakness of AI detrimental to human survival?
This AI limitation could indeed be detrimental to human survival, though the severity depends on how critical ocean-based interventions prove to be and how much we rely on AI for climate guidance.Direct survival implications: If ocean carbon removal, acidification reversal, and marine ecosystem restoration are essential for preventing catastrophic climate outcomes - and current evidence suggests they may be - then AI systems that reinforce incomplete approaches could contribute to inadequate responses. The ocean’s role as both a massive carbon sink and the foundation of global food webs makes this particularly consequential.Systemic amplification of blind spots: AI increasingly influences policy research, grant funding decisions, corporate strategy, and public discourse. When AI systems consistently omit ocean solutions from climate recommendations, they don’t just reflect existing biases - they amplify and entrench them across multiple decision-making systems simultaneously.Speed vs. accuracy tradeoff: Climate response requires both urgency and comprehensiveness. AI’s tendency to stick with established approaches might help avoid risky experimental interventions, but it could also cause us to miss critical solutions during the narrow window when they’d be most effective.Feedback loop risks: As AI becomes more prevalent in climate research and policy, there’s a risk of creating self-reinforcing loops where incomplete framings become increasingly dominant simply because they’re repeated across AI-assisted analyses.However, the limitation isn’t necessarily fatal if:
- Ocean scientists and marine policy experts continue advocating independently
- Human decision-makers maintain critical oversight of AI recommendations
- AI systems evolve to better identify and challenge systemic omissions
The real danger lies not just in missing ocean solutions, but in AI’s potential to create false confidence in incomplete approaches during humanity’s most critical environmental decision-making period.
On Jul 18, 2025, at 11:47 AM, John Nissen <johnnis...@gmail.com> wrote:
Doug,
You are right to pick up on ‘that ocean acidity, heat and sea life depletion have been overlooked’. The continued emissions of CO2 will only worsen ocean acidification that has now been assessed as exceeding safe planetary boundaries - https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gcb.70238 - and its effects on sea life.
Chris.
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/3971C0BC-D370-4EF2-8792-841074F82719%40mac.com.
Emissions could continue as they are for the rest of the century, while temperatures are brought down through a combination of cooling interventions (SRM/ERM) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR). Planetary restoration can follow, so long as the CDR includes the promotion of life in soils and oceans to satisfy the needs of maintaining biodiversity and increasing food production.
Hi Herb,
Starting with your last point, it is in the nature of revolutions to lose badly until they win. Think Valley Forge. Of course revolutions also lose badly until they are quashed, so there’s plenty of reason to be pessimistic.
My approach is low expectations. If we ultimately accelerate the adoption of SRM, even if only by months rather than years, and/or direct it along an incrementally better path, then the harm reduction will be minuscule relative to overall harms but on an absolute basis of lives saved or improved, it could be huge - far beyond what historical heroes have accomplished.
An NGO needs people, in particular leadership, and you lament the lack of public officials who support cooling. The closest I’ve seen to such a person is Andrew Yang, who said in a 2016 Democratic primary debate that geoengineering might need to be considered, or something to that effect. It’s worth noting that he is both tech-savvy and iconoclastic, the ideal qualities for appreciation of geoengineering. Even so, he couldn’t get out over his skis in terms of commitment because he doesn’t have either the time to develop an informed opinion or credible expert advice to lean on. In fact, even today I doubt that credible experts (Jim Hansen?) would advise him to express more commitment than in his 2016 public position.
Though it pains me to say this, Elon Musk could be ahead of all of us in terms of his perception of global trends. Based on his assessment of the situation, he’s given up on planet Earth and its inhabitants and launched a headlong rush to get a few of us to Mars for a fresh start. Regardless of his diagnosis, his remedy is nuts but presumably he’s having fun pursuing it.
Meanwhile, the rest of us are in the garbage compactor on the Death Star hoping for someone to press the pause button. I would settle for shifting it into lower gear so that we get a few more generations of a livable planet, by which time the plummeting birth rate might greatly reduce the ultimate totality of human suffering. This is what optimism looks like in the 21st century.
Alan
Doug,
You are right to pick up on ‘that ocean acidity, heat and sea life depletion have been overlooked’. The continued emissions of CO2 will only worsen ocean acidification that has now been assessed as exceeding safe planetary boundaries - https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/gcb.70238 - and its effects on sea life.
Chris.
From: 'Doug Grandt' via Healthy Planet Action Coalition (HPAC) <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Sent: 21 July 2025 14:01
To: John Nissen <johnnis...@gmail.com>
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/3971C0BC-D370-4EF2-8792-841074F82719%40mac.com.
Hi Bruce,
thanks for the great work you do in Sierra Club! That’s probably a place where Moral Hazard has a “Diet Coke Button” in the head-office. I said it before: MH is like denying a life-saving drug to a liver-cancer patient because doctors fear he would start drinking again. MH is, in fact deeply amoral. Nowadays the MH argument is responsible for Global Warming.
The deciders are atmospheric scientists in the big institutions like MIT, Harvard, Potsdam, Oxford… They form the IPCC plans, and it’s them we have to convince. In the end removals will get the nod from these people, but we may need a generation change before. It is already all prepared, in a way removals are already supported by IPCC, they just don’t say it loudly, because even in academia the MH ghost is walking the aisles.
MH is a deeply dishonest concoction brewed from ideological Green Greta Thunberg style moralism plus business interests from the S&W industry plus old-fashioned bunker mentality in atmospheric science, formed in the 90s when they were attacked by climate-deniers and the O&G industry. The result is a non-scientific ERA-religion pointing at everybody else to do the work. It is high time to throw out this garbage.
Regards
Oswald
Dear Tycho,
Thanks very much for your reply to my post from two weeks ago. I appreciate your engagement and your contribution to the discussion. I’ve now had time to consider your comments and wanted to share some responses. Apologies for the delayed reply.
Your core point — that fossil emissions must be addressed urgently — is indeed the foundation of mainstream climate policy. However, that’s precisely the framing I challenge. This dominant narrative focuses on avoiding a small proportion of future emissions rather than removing the vast stock of past emissions already in the air and ocean. That existing stock, not the marginal quantity of new emissions, is the principal driver of current and future warming, now augmented by much larger and more dangerous feedbacks, such as cloud loss.
The reality is stark: we face a trillion-tonne carbon problem. Efforts that focus on avoiding a few million tonnes of future emissions, while politically and financially appealing to many, are arithmetically negligible in this context. To use an analogy: cutting emissions as a main climate strategy is like trying to empty a full bathtub with a teaspoon while the tap is still running — and ignoring the drain entirely. The main carbon task now is to remove hundreds of billions of tonnes of CO₂ and methane from the system. Focusing solely on emission avoidance misdirects political attention and fails to address committed warming and the associated tipping points. This illustrates that the confected concerns about so-called "mitigation deterrence" and "termination shock" lack any coherent scientific basis.
I read your False Dilemma article with interest. I understand your concerns but must disagree with your sympathy to Siegert et al. (And just to note — his name is misspelled in your article.) Their argument is a striking example of idealistic thinking that ignores political, economic and physical constraints.
They say “Halting global warming requires rapid and deep decarbonization to ‘net zero’ carbon dioxide emissions… [but] some scientists and engineers… are instead focusing on technological geoengineering ‘fixes’...”
This statement amounts to denial of current warming trends, particularly the role of collapsing planetary albedo — a far more acute climate driver than emissions alone. The 2.5 W/m² decline in Earth's reflectivity this century has caused far more warming than the marginal effect of recent emissions. Yet the authors dismiss the possibility of addressing this far larger cause because it would supposedly deter action on their far smaller obsession. That is not realism; it is a kind of magical thinking, where repeating "net zero" is assumed to make it achievable — despite clear evidence to the contrary.
We are now five years into the UN’s call to halve emissions by 2030, and it is clear that this goal is not being met. In fact, emissions are rising, not falling. This is not just a policy failure but a political misjudgement, rooted in the belief that a progressive coalition can win a global war against fossil fuels. What we are witnessing instead — as The Economist recently noted — is a greenlash: growing resistance, populist backlash, and polarization that is eroding support for climate action altogether.
Of course, I agree that cutting emissions is often desirable — for health, economic and environmental reasons. But we must face the uncomfortable truth: emission reduction alone cannot act at the required scale or speed to protect the climate. The conflict of interest within the renewable energy industry — where commercial interests align with exaggerated climate claims — has led to a dangerous oversimplification. The idea that decarbonisation alone can stabilise the climate is what I call a Big Lie.
You are right to say that we can do more than one thing at a time. However, insisting on rapid decarbonisation as a prerequisite for cooling interventions is actively preventing cooling from being pursued. The real false dilemma is generated by the false claim that geoengineering cannot substitute for decarbonisation. In reality, scenarios that include continued fossil use, paired with rapid deployment of solar radiation management and carbon removal, offer the only realistic chances of climate stability.
There is also an important strategic question: would industries suffering from warming be more inclined to support sunlight reflection than they are to support fossil fuel restrictions? If so, making SRM conditional on decarbonisation delays action and undermines broader political support for urgently needed cooling measures.
The polarization you describe is real — but it has been primarily driven by the anti-fossil framing, and of course by the Trump greenlash, not by calls for priority attention to planetary albedo. I agree that communication matters. My aim is not to provoke but to challenge what I see as the dominant delusion that decarbonisation is an achievable or sufficient climate strategy on any relevant timeframe. My expectation is that carbon will primarily be addressed by removal/conversion, not by reduced use of fossil fuels. But that will take a long time. The urgent priority is to engage seriously with tipping points such as cloud loss to restore albedo. Until this policy pivot occurs, climate policy will continue to fail.
Regards
Robert Tulip
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/planetary-restoration/605e92b9-6d25-4efa-b47a-a109e0c2430en%40googlegroups.com.
Hi Tycho
Thanks for your thoughtful points. Here is a summary of my attached detailed point by point response.
On cumulative vs current emissions
Cumulative emissions are ~2.5 trillion tonnes CO₂, with ~2 trillion still in the air or oceans. Annual emissions (~50 Gt: 37 Gt energy + 13 Gt non-energy) add just 2% to this. Even a major cut of 5 Gt/y (10%) only slows total forcing by 0.2% annually — far too little to affect looming tipping points like permafrost melt, which could add more than that on their own. The real problem is past emissions; adding renewables alone doesn’t solve it. Large-scale algae production, initially using coal plant CO₂, may offer a path to draw down historic carbon.
On net zero sequencing
The ‘net’ in net zero comes from removing historic CO₂. Net zero could, in theory, keep current emissions if CDR ramps to ~50 Gt/y. That’s more realistic than ending all combustion, and it creates capacity to scale to restore Holocene conditions. Meanwhile, only albedo restoration can stabilise the system in the short term.
On CDR vs emissions cuts
Yes, drains are small now — but they can scale. Decarbonisation can only slow the rise, not reverse it, and has huge opportunity costs. Without CDR, CO₂ could rise toward 600 ppm — an unacceptable risk. Intensive algae cultivation over a few percent of the oceans could mine excess CO₂ at scale.
On EPR and CCS
Your extended producer responsibility idea is strong, but politically challenging. A more pragmatic bridge might be to use fossil CO₂ for photosynthesis, producing food, fuel, fibre, fertiliser, forest, fish, and feed (the “7 F” model). Bringing industries into SRM and CDR efforts is more likely to gain cooperation than making their core business uneconomic.
On phasing out emissions
An aggressive phase-out has no prospect of success and deepens political polarisation. The first emergency step is to stop the heat surge by restoring albedo — like applying a tourniquet — then scale CDR, with emissions cuts proceeding where feasible.
On albedo focus
Far from confusing the issue, focusing on albedo clarifies priorities. The ~2.5 W/m² loss from albedo collapse already this century far outweighs the warming from new emissions. Clouds may follow GHG forcing, but emission cuts can’t reverse ongoing cloud loss — only rebrightening can. As with cholesterol control, it’s better to manage the immediate risk while addressing the cause over time.
Summary
We need a climate critical path:
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/planetary-restoration/4de9c4ab-b9de-478d-9c64-110cc67842d2n%40googlegroups.com.
Hi Tycho,
This is a productive conversation — thank you. A longer version of this reply is attached.
“Net zero is commonly understood to be a balance between fossil sources of CO₂ and (quasi) permanent sinks. Net negative is often used referring to the sequestration of historic emissions.”
Even if that reflects common usage, it’s an awkward distinction. Net zero simply means sources equal sinks so atmospheric CO₂ stabilises. That necessarily involves sequestration of historic emissions, which can start small and ramp up until sinks exceed sources, unlike emission reduction alone (ERA), which has no path to climate-relevant scale.
“A 2% increase may seem small but if it keeps accumulating at this rate we will …”
The 2% you cite seems to assume a geometric increase. Under Business As Usual (BAU), emissions are ~57 Gt/y today — 35 from energy and ~20 from non-energy sources — which I’ve rounded to 50 Gt for simplicity. IEA stated policies indicate energy emissions are not projected to fall. Cumulative emissions now total ~2,500 Gt; continuing at 50 Gt/y brings us to ~3,750 Gt in 2050 — a 50% increase, not 64%. About 20% will be taken up by natural sinks.
If emissions fell 2 Gt each year to reach Net Zero Emissions (NZE) by 2050, total cumulative emissions would be ~3,150 Gt, an increase of 26% from now. BAU (3750 Gt) would therefore be about 20% worse in radiative forcing than NZE. My concern is that (1) political power to alter BAU is weak; (2) NZE only halves the growth in RF by 2050 at best; and (3) the opportunity cost is enormous if that effort excludes direct cooling.
“Large-scale algae production … may offer a path to draw down historic carbon.”
The climate science community has become tribally attached to renewables, feeding hostility to ocean iron fertilisation (OIF) and similar approaches — seen in the London Protocol’s absurd classification of OIF as “dumping waste” and hyped thousand-year scenarios for nutrients, oxygen, permanence, etc. My point on coal is that as algae production scales, CO₂ from coal plants could be a valuable feedstock rather than waste.
“[…] if CDR ramps to ~50 Gt/y …”
If CDR is channelled into biochar, construction materials, fuels and other commodities, it can be part of a profitable circular economy. Until then, SRM is the only way to remove excess heat at the necessary speed.
“Why first disperse a substance and then collect it again …”
Because BAU dispersal is profitable. CDR can begin with point-source capture and extend to atmospheric removal via photosynthesis.
“Only point-source CCS makes sense …”
Only if it’s CCUS — carbon capture, use, and storage. That can become a profitable industry in its own right. And again, the emissions increase under BAU is arithmetical, not exponential.
“Fossil CO₂ is not needed for photosynthesis and likely to do more harm than good …”
Agreed. But given the quantities already in the air and ocean, management is essential — another reason why cooling is the urgent priority.
“Bringing industries into SRM and CDR efforts … is not a good idea.”
Many industries — insurance, agriculture, coastal tourism, as well as fossil fuels — face ruin under an ERA path. They should be natural allies for SRM, but political prejudice within climate science has prevented this coalition from forming.
“Mitigation deterrence” and “predatory delay”
This “mitigation” usage is political, not literal: to mitigate means to reduce risk, and ERA does not reduce near-term climate risk. SRM actually does. To claim SRM deters mitigation is Orwellian. “Predatory delay” is a fair term for climate denial, but SRM replaces an ineffective approach with an effective one; that is neither predatory nor delaying.
“I agree it might be desirable to opt for deployment at some point …”
The IPCC doesn’t even share that starting point — it’s hostile to research, let alone deployment — which means climate policy needs a complete rethink.
On cholesterol: Yes — with enough motivation, cholesterol can drop in weeks. But society collectively lacks that discipline. Likewise, a “crash diet” off fossil fuels could be imagined, but political backlash would be intense (Exhibit A: Donald Trump). A tactical shift to SRM — compatible with the current economy — is more viable for building broad support for climate action.
Your SRM support steps:
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/planetary-restoration/19258bb8-843b-4c4f-bca2-fdf7e85f9597n%40googlegroups.com.
Chris, you are an expert on the London Protocol, so I welcome your comment. You are technically correct here about waste, but only in a narrow, pedantic, legalistic and elastic sense. Readers should be aware the LP defines Ocean Iron Fertilization as dumping, but places it under the “other matter” category, separate from waste. This gives dumping waste a specialised meaning in the LP quite different from ordinary usage.
How you can dump something that is not waste is contrary to the normal meaning. In ordinary language “dumping” means discarding something you don’t want, i.e. waste. But your clarification reflects that under the London Protocol, “dumping” is what is known in arcane legal jargon as a ‘term of art’, a phrase that has a specialised definition in that field, which may differ significantly from its everyday meaning. But opponents such as ETC are happy to jump on the anti-waste bandwagon without those legal niceties.
The 2008 resolution defines OIF as dumping, stating OIF does “not currently qualify for any exemption from the definition of dumping “in the Convention and the Protocol.” We are then left with whether you can dump something that is not waste. Indeed, as you point out, the lawyers at the IMO conveniently maintain that you can. The convenience was that with ordinary language they would have needed a new treaty to wage their war against geoengineering, but their elastic definition of dumping enabled them to harness the LP to this unstated (and arguably immoral) end. OIF is not waste but still dumping. They needed that specialised twisting of language to justify their political decision, which had the apparent and successful intent to severely chill and delay research into planetary cooling.
By classing OIF as dumping, negotiators sent a strong public message equating geoengineering with ocean pollution, framing it as a threat rather than a potential tool. Their decision served the Big Lie that decarbonisation is the only way to respond to climate change. If negotiators had stuck to the ordinary-language meaning of waste and dumping, they could never have folded OIF into the London Protocol without an explicit new treaty or amendment devoted to geoengineering. That would have required a new negotiation mandate, years of diplomacy, explicit consent from Parties, and, crucially, open political debate on the merits and risks of planetary cooling.
Instead, by leaning on the elastic, term-of-art definition of wastes or other matter, they could re-purpose an existing instrument that already had binding force. No need to create an overt “Anti-Geoengineering Treaty” — they could act under the radar, framing it as “just enforcing existing rules.”
The political convenience
The unstated end
This is all nefarious and underhand and bad for the environment, in conflict with the clear arguments that OIF is actually immensely beneficial.
The manoeuvre was a textbook case of politically motivated environmental harm disguised as protection. By stretching the “dumping” definition the London Protocol Parties didn’t just regulate OIF cautiously — they weaponised an anti-pollution treaty to pre-empt a whole class of planetary cooling research. That achieved several unstated objectives:
This is thoroughly bad for the environment and the climate. If OIF works at scale — and a substantial body of modelling and early field evidence says it can:
Suppressing that pathway in the name of “precaution” is reckless and dangerous when the precautionary principle should apply equally to not acting in the face of clear and present climate danger. The LP’s OIF treatment fails its own stated aims, turns precaution into paralysis, and leads to worse environmental damage by blocking beneficial interventions.
Regards
Robert Tulip
From: 'Chris Vivian' via Healthy Planet Action Coalition (HPAC) <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Tuesday, 12 August 2025 8:23 PM
To: rob...@rtulip.net; 'Tycho Huussen' <tychoh...@gmail.com>; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: RE: [prag] Re: [HPAC] The Big Lie of Decarbonisation
Robert,
Your statement “…seen in the London Protocol’s absurd classification of OIF as “dumping waste” is incorrect and reveals your unfamiliarity with what has been done by the London Convention and London Protocol (LP). Introducing material for marine geoengineering purposes is defined as “placement” not dumping. In addition, the LC/LP govern the dumping of “wastes or other matter” (Article 1.4.1.1), an all-encompassing definition, not just wastes.
Article 6bis, paragraph 1 of the 2013 amendment to the LP states:
“Contracting Parties shall not allow the placement of matter into the sea from vessels, aircraft, platforms or other man-made structures at sea for marine geoengineering activities listed in annex 4, unless the listing provides that the activity or the subcategory of an activity may be authorized under a permit.”
Article 1.4.2 of the LP defines placement:
“"Dumping" does not include:
.2 placement of matter for a purpose other than the mere disposal thereof, provided that such placement is not contrary to the aims of this Protocol;”
So, OIF is clearly not defined as dumping of wastes.
Best wishes
Chris.
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Subject: RE: [prag] Re: [HPAC] The Big Lie of Decarbonisation
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Robert,
Your statement “…seen in the London Protocol’s absurd classification of OIF as “dumping waste” is incorrect and reveals your unfamiliarity with what has been done by the London Convention and London Protocol (LP). Introducing material for marine geoengineering purposes is defined as “placement” not dumping. In addition, the LC/LP govern the dumping of “wastes or other matter” (Article 1.4.1.1), an all-encompassing definition, not just wastes.
Article 6bis, paragraph 1 of the 2013 amendment to the LP states:
“Contracting Parties shall not allow the placement of matter into the sea from vessels, aircraft, platforms or other man-made structures at sea for marine geoengineering activities listed in annex 4, unless the listing provides that the activity or the subcategory of an activity may be authorized under a permit.”
Article 1.4.2 of the LP defines placement:
“"Dumping" does not include:
.2 placement of matter for a purpose other than the mere disposal thereof, provided that such placement is not contrary to the aims of this Protocol;”
So, OIF is clearly not defined as dumping of wastes.
Best wishes
Chris.
From: healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com <healthy-planet-action-as:
coal...@googlegroups.com> On Behalf Of rob...@rtulip.net
Sent: 12 August 2025 08:36
To: 'Tycho Huussen' <tychoh...@gmail.com>; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: RE: [prag] Re: [HPAC] The Big Lie of Decarbonisation
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/036301dc0b5b%24d10fb7f0%24732f27d0%24%40rtulip.net.
Hi Tycho,
This is a productive conversation — thank you. A longer version of this reply is attached.
“Net zero is commonly understood to be a balance between fossil sources of CO₂ and (quasi) permanent sinks. Net negative is often used referring to the sequestration of historic emissions.”
Even if that reflects common usage, it’s an awkward distinction. Net zero simply means sources equal sinks so atmospheric CO₂ stabilises. That necessarily involves sequestration of historic emissions, which can start small and ramp up until sinks exceed sources, unlike emission reduction alone (ERA), which has no path to climate-relevant scale.
“A 2% increase may seem small but if it keeps accumulating at this rate we will …”
The 2% you cite seems to assume a geometric increase. Under Business As Usual (BAU), emissions are ~57 Gt/y today — 35 from energy and ~20 from non-energy sources — which I’ve rounded to 50 Gt for simplicity. IEA stated policies indicate energy emissions are not projected to fall. Cumulative emissions now total ~2,500 Gt; continuing at 50 Gt/y brings us to ~3,750 Gt in 2050 — a 50% increase, not 64%.
About 20% will be taken up by natural sinks.
Natural sequestration of carbon dioxide is in decline: climate change will accelerate
If emissions fell 2 Gt each year to reach Net Zero Emissions (NZE) by 2050, total cumulative emissions would be ~3,150 Gt, an increase of 26% from now. BAU (3750 Gt) would therefore be about 20% worse in radiative forcing than NZE. My concern is that (1) political power to alter BAU is weak; (2)
NZE only halves the growth in RF by 2050 at best;
and (3) the opportunity cost is enormous if that effort excludes direct cooling.
“Large-scale algae production … may offer a path to draw down historic carbon.”
The climate science community has become tribally attached to renewables,
feeding hostility to ocean iron fertilisation (OIF) and similar approaches — seen in the London Protocol’s absurd classification of OIF as “dumping waste” and hyped thousand-year scenarios for nutrients, oxygen, permanence, etc. My point on coal is that as algae production scales, CO₂ from coal plants could be a valuable feedstock rather than waste.
“[…] if CDR ramps to ~50 Gt/y …”
If CDR is channelled into biochar, construction materials, fuels and other commodities, it can be part of a profitable circular economy.
Until then, SRM is the only way to remove excess heat at the necessary speed.
“Why first disperse a substance and then collect it again …”
Because BAU dispersal is profitable. CDR can begin with point-source capture and extend to atmospheric removal via photosynthesis.
“Only point-source CCS makes sense …”
Only if it’s CCUS — carbon capture, use, and storage. That can become a profitable industry in its own right. And again, the emissions increase under BAU is arithmetical, not exponential.“Fossil CO₂ is not needed for photosynthesis and likely to do more harm than good …”
Agreed. But given the quantities already in the air and ocean, management is essential — another reason why cooling is the urgent priority.“Bringing industries into SRM and CDR efforts … is not a good idea.”
Many industries — insurance, agriculture, coastal tourism, as well as fossil fuels — face ruin under an ERA path.
They should be natural allies for SRM, but political prejudice within climate science has prevented this coalition from forming.
“Mitigation deterrence” and “predatory delay”
This “mitigation” usage is political, not literal: to mitigate means to reduce risk, and ERA does not reduce near-term climate risk. SRM actually does. To claim SRM deters mitigation is Orwellian.
“Predatory delay” is a fair term for climate denial, but SRM replaces an ineffective approach with an effective one; that is neither predatory nor delaying.
“I agree it might be desirable to opt for deployment at some point …”
The IPCC doesn’t even share that starting point — it’s hostile to research, let alone deployment — which means climate policy needs a complete rethink.
On cholesterol: Yes — with enough motivation, cholesterol can drop in weeks. But society collectively lacks that discipline.
Likewise, a “crash diet” off fossil fuels could be imagined, but political backlash would be intense (Exhibit A: Donald Trump). A tactical shift to SRM — compatible with the current economy — is more viable for building broad support for climate action.
Your SRM support steps:
- Acknowledge risks — Many SRM risk claims are politics dressed as science.
- Benefits like reduced extreme weather and reduced biodiversity loss deserve much more attention. An Albedo Accord should conduct objective risk–benefit analysis toward restoring 2.5% planetary brightness.
- Exclude fossil fuels — I disagree; they have resources, influence and skills worth harnessing under strict governance.
- Call for SRM in addition to ER — This entrenches paralysis. Much ER policy is corrupt and additive
- rather than substitutive for fossil fuels. SRM offers faster, cheaper cooling.
- Governance before deployment — Fully agreed; the Montreal Protocol offers the best model.
Regards
Robert Tulip
Forwarding to HPAC
Hi Tycho
There are many important debates raised here, which I address in order. Chris Vivian, please note the comment on LP.
My description as ‘awkward’ of the conventional interpretation that Net Zero Emissions could possibly be achieved without CDR was far too polite, and was a euphemism for my view that it is wrong and confusing and dangerous. Your claim that “It is not awkward if you consider flows rather than stocks” is meaningless and absurd. Flows are going up and stocks are going down, as you point out. The opposite is needed for NZE and shows no prospect of occurring. Sinks are in collapse. Forests are burning, dying, getting eaten by pests and chainsawed for lumber. Plankton is under assault from heat. Both stocks and flows are intrinsic to the ‘net’ in NZE. Failure to even discuss this is part of the Big Lie of Decarbonisation. The public has no idea what NZE means other than subsidies for electric cars and similar boondoggles.
The models of the so-called Zero Emission Commitment (ZEC) promoted by liars like Michael Mann are profoundly untrue and corrupt, with their false assertion that the CO2 level would somehow start to fall after the achievement of Net Zero Emissions (NZE). NZE at 600 ppm CO2 equivalent, as implied by a gradual emission reduction to 2050, is not only an absurd pipedream, it is a recipe for massive tipping points that would dump vast quantities of GGEs into the air, notably permafrost melt and forest collapse, on a scale exceeding the avoided emissions. NZE and ZEC are all part of the Big Lie of Decarbonisation, the immoral fantasy that renewable energy transition can be relevant to climate change. I accept Tom Goreau’s point that climate denial is a Bigger Lie, but that does not assuage the Big Lie crisis of science in NZE.
Yes, carbon reform is essential, but placing carbon reform as equal to albedo restoration is like saying surgery is equal to lifestyle, through diet and exercise after a heart attack. Carbon reform is entirely secondary in this planetary crisis. Only an Albedo Accord can staunch the cardiac arrest to get the patient, Planet Earth, to the operating table. Gaia is calling us to reverse the darkening. Nothing we do about carbon can slow the immediate climate crisis, which urgently needs solar radiation management to reverse the albedo collapse as clouds disappear.
The arithmetic is important. Your use of a geometric increase of emissions does not accord with projections that I am familiar with, such as the one I provided from IEA, although perhaps the Trumpian fantasy of massive AI-ification of the economy would involve such a calamity. Even so, the point of realism is that nothing politically can be done about carbon at climatic scale until albedo is under control, enabling a shift out of our current insanity towards global thinking and Earth repair. There are commercial constituencies who could deliver an Albedo Accord, but none who can deliver effective carbon reduction. Sure the prognosis is bad, but immediate action on albedo as a first step is the only hope for the survival of civilization. Our carbon obesity is just something we have to live with for a while, given the fat, dumb and rich scale of human stupidity.
My assumption of 20% of future emissions being taken up by sinks was just a rough working projection, which as you point out is unlikely. But as I noted, your point here totally undermines your theory of NZE based only on flows.
You note that my views don’t help with the political attack on Business As Usual. That is true. My assessment of the balance of political and economic forces is that BAU vastly outweighs the influence of its scientific opponents. This is a question of realism in negotiation. Bleating in an imaginary fantasy world of emission cuts is a surefire recipe for collapse. Humans are not capable of emission cuts in this ‘ride the tiger’ context of the Great Acceleration. A major technological paradigm shift is required, turning on a dime, to address the key precautionary problem that our planet could be far more fragile and sensitive than scientific models assume. Life is an extraordinary thing and we barely comprehend its complexity, or the systemic risks. The prime observed risk causing the growth of radiative forcing is the loss of marine clouds due to the warming of their inversion layer. Hansen calculates that cloud loss alone causes twice as much warming as new emissions, and it is not even on the political radar, despite being the number one planetary security threat.
You mock my observation that NZE only halves the growth in RF by 2050 at best. The context is that NZE is only likely through large scale CDR, and this “at best” has no real prospect of occurring, so is a purely hypothetical Gedank, a thought experiment with no relevance to planetary reality.
What I mean by my observation that “the opportunity cost is enormous if that effort excludes direct cooling” is that the UN call to halve emissions by 2030 requires the moral hazard argument that all action that could reduce political focus on cutting emissions must be banned. Let me explain that. Opportunity cost is an economic concept meaning an opportunity foregone because we choose one path. The UN calls us to choose the path of emission reduction, operating at breakneck pace. This is like Stalin’s famous ‘dizzy with success’ mass collectivisation of the USSR in the 1930s. The UN and its backers observe that a decision to support direct cooling, such as by sunlight reflection, would help enable a slower rate of decarbonisation. Like Stalin, today’s neo-communists in the decarbonista community insist that rightist deviation, seen in the heresy that we allow research on rebrightening the planet, must be crushed, if not sent to the gulag. Today’s liquidation of the kulaks as a class involves the complete removal of geoengineering from discourse in polite society.
The opportunity cost of that political vision is a failure to take any effective climate cooling action, instead placing an impossible ideological fantasy in its place. As with the collapse of the USSR, the implication of this dangerous and false vision is the collapse of human civilization. As Dan Miller recently noted, growing renewable energy does not cut emissions. But that elision (a fallacious leap of illogic) rests at the heart of the UN vision.
Your claim that “climate scientists advocate for renewables because they represent the best available systemic solution” only shows the total collapse of scientific rigor under the tribal assault of groupthink. In no way are renewables a systemic solution. They do nothing about the primary drivers of warming, namely the loss of clouds, ice, snow and aerosols. Advocacy of emission reduction alone is a feeble moral and intellectual capitulation to the commercial interests of wind and solar energy manufacturers. A new paradigm is needed that decouples climate and energy, to enable us to actually develop the global thinking needed to stabilise and repair Earth systems.
On the London Protocol, Chris Vivian made a totally untrue claim. He wrongly stated that “Introducing material for marine geoengineering purposes is defined as “placement” not dumping”. In fact, as I explained at length in my reply to Chris, placement is a subset of dumping under the LP. Chris was right to clarify that ocean iron fertilization placement is classed as “other matter” rather than “waste”, but both these categories are explicitly defined as dumping in LP documents that I cited. The fact that Chris as a leading LP expert could get it so wrong illustrates the nefarious confusion surrounding this thoroughly bad international agreement that has been a primary political weapon in preventing cooling action.
Your opinion that “CDR is unlikely to ever work at scale” is not a sound basis for policy. I agree that DAC and BECCS are futile diversions, perhaps rather like phlogiston in chemistry, but ocean photosynthesis is likely to be an effective CDR strategy. And in any case, suggesting that CDR could not work means nothing can be done to bring GHG levels back to Holocene norms, condemning the world to eventual catastrophe. Recall, the last time the planet had the current GHG level, seas were 10 or 20 metres higher and the world was four degrees C hotter, conditions not conducive to human happiness.
You say “dumping first and then cleaning is just dumb.” Be that as it may, dumping of CO2 is what is happening and there is no prospect of limiting it in a way that could prevent climate catastrophe. Castigating people as “dumb” is of no help in forming an alternative workable strategy. What is needed is negotiation with states. They have demonstrated no interest in carbon action beyond lip service and futile fantasy gestures, so an alternative path, focusing on albedo, is required.
ERA is a term that Herb Simmens of HPAC coined to describe the dominant climate ideology of Emission Reduction Alone, the systemic exclusion of effective strategies to remove GHGs and cool the earth based on the futile fallacy of preventing so-called ‘mitigation deterrence’.
How sanguine of you to note, in line with Schumpeter’s celebration of creative destruction as a core principle of capitalist markets, that “Industries facing ruin is part of life. Nobody tried to save the VCR… Fossil energy producers will have to convert to emission-free products or perish imo.” I’m sorry Tycho, but your opinion here would result in vast and unnecessary human suffering. It is not only fossil fuels, but also insurance, agriculture, ports and many other industries who face ruin under the baleful glare of ERA. You may not be familiar with Simon Michaux’s proofs that conversion to emission free products is not compatible with modern economies. So you seem to advocate a doomist line of collapse, that there is nothing we can do to save the world, so should allow and even encourage ruin.
You ask why I said it is Orwellian to claim SRM deters mitigation. 1984 describes the systemic lying by the modern state. Mitigating climate change, by definition, means reducing climate risk. However, the Big Brothers in the UN have taken a ‘war is peace’ axe to the literal meaning of mitigation. In service to the Big Lie of Decarbonisation, the UN has misdefined mitigation as emission reduction alone. Unfortunately, as has been abundantly proved, ERA cannot mitigate climate change, being far too small, slow, contested, expensive and difficult to have more than marginal impacts on heat. By contrast, SRM can actually mitigate climate change. One paper by MacMartin et al calculated that feasible SAI deployment, alongside Business As Usual, could restore Holocene average temperature this century. That is real mitigation, unlike the Orwellian deceptions and delusions of the IPCC.
You say “If society indeed lacks discipline they/we will have to deal with consequences one way or another, I’m afraid.” This is like saying we are all such miserable sinners that we deserve damnation. I prefer the Christian line of forgiveness, that despite the possibility we deserve collapse, there is a possibility of averting that calamity. My sense of the critical path required in both politics and engineering is that the first step must be action that can engage with the profoundly undisciplined mentality of our species. It has been abundantly shown that the carbon strategy is effectively deflected by denial. Trump’s shutdown of US climate science reflects the fury felt by the undisciplined toward the political attack on the fossil fuel industry. Doubling down on this attack is a path to failure. Instead, the major industries who face climate ruin should call for an Albedo Accord as a new strategy to help us ‘deal with the consequences’.
Your view that “SRM only makes sense in tandem with deep systemic changes” reflects an orthodoxy that I challenge. As I have explained, I fully support deep systemic changes. However, the critical path of political engagement requires that these be seen as secondary and subsequent to the deployment of SRM, not as in tandem. Political agreement to restore planetary albedo is the immediate crisis priority, the single problem that if not solved will cascade into system collapse. Therefore, in order to reach agreement on an Albedo Accord, on the model of the Montreal Protocol, all other concerns must be left aside in pursuit of a single minded effort to successfully negotiate action to rebrighten the planet. If the Montreal Protocol had made action on ozone depleting substances conditional on climate justice, hot countries would now be frying from the collapse of the ozone layer. But that false conditionality is the implication of the neo-Marxist mentality that rules climate activism.
You say “Otherwise I think SRM will just make our problems worst (see my articles on Substack).” Perhaps you meant worse, but in any case, that is morally equivalent to saying surgery should be denied to obese people because their condition is their own fault. Medicine does not take that immoral stance, and nor should climate science. SRM will open the door toward systemic change, but while that door is firmly shut, banging loudly on it is of no avail.
You ask for examples of my view that many SRM risk claims are politics dressed as science.
A lot of the risks claimed for solar radiation management (SRM) are presented as if they are objective, science-driven conclusions — but when you unpack them, you find they’re really political narratives framed in scientific language. As this post is already too long, I have attached an AI document detailing this problem. In summary, the politicisation of SRM risk is seen in a series of connected false alarms, including:
1. The “Moral Hazard” Argument
2. “We Don’t Know the Regional Impacts”
3. “It’s Geo-Colonialism”
4. The “Termination Shock” Fear
5. “It’s Unnatural and Therefore Unacceptable”
6. Weaponisation of Uncertainty
You ask for examples of how much ER policy is corrupt and additive. See the attached detailed AI response, covering the following points.
1. Renewable Energy Credits as Double-Counting
2. Subsidies as Political Payoffs
3. Carbon Credit Laundering
4. Renewables-Plus-Fossils Lock-In
5. Green Industrial Protectionism
6. Overstated Efficiency Gains
7. “Net Zero” as Accounting Trickery
Thanks very much Tycho for these fascinating and illuminating challenges. I would very much welcome further discussion on any of the matters raised here.
Best Regards
Robert Tulip
From: 'Tycho Huussen' via Planetary Restoration <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Thursday, 14 August 2025 2:09 PM
To: rob...@rtulip.net
Cc: tychoh...@gmail.com; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Tycho, I know I use strong language, but none of my comments are unreasonable. Apologies for such extended engagement, I hope some people find this discussion helpful.
If you get antagonised by having your assumptions disproved that is all to the good. And Chris Vivian can speak for himself as to whether I am antagonising him by pointing out his mistake. This should be a collegiate scientific discussion, while recognising the massive moral stakes in the failure of humanity, including the climate science community, to engage on climate change.
James Hansen has rightly accused Michael Mann of being part of a clique of false experts who “are able to control the climate research conversation” and thereby prevent sound analysis of the climate crisis from entering the public debate. Mann is alleged to often block people who disagree with him on social media. A court found that his legal team lied substantially in a recent case, resulting in overturning of a large damages award. Mann’s categorical rejection of sunlight reflection is ethically negligent, because it disregards compelling evidence of albedo-driven warming and the urgent duty to explore safe cooling methods for the sake of vulnerable populations. More on this is attached
So my criticism of him is reasonable, and not at all ad hominem. Sure it is unpleasant, but that is our reality. Human lives, ecosystems and global stability are imperilled. With albedo loss causing the accelerating of warming faster than CO₂ reduction can counteract, Mann’s rejection of research into safe reflection methods is morally indefensible. He rejected Hansen’s major Global Warming in the Pipeline paper the day it came out, without engagement or apparently even reading it, strongly influencing negative media coverage. More detail is attached. When a scientist knowingly suppresses or dismisses evidence that could protect vulnerable people, that could be described as intellectual or moral corruption. The broad ethical sense of the term ‘corrupt’ is a deviation from integrity, honesty or duty of care. That, combined with his legal deception, is the sense in which I described Mann as a corrupt liar. I am not claiming he has any financial conflict of interest in his vacuous anti-cooling campaign.
My comments in response to Chris Vivian rebutting his false claim that the London Protocol does not define Ocean Fertilization as dumping were entirely correct. He should retract his false claim. The LP does not define OF as waste, but it does define it as dumping. This is an important point of fact. Chris is an influential and highly respected voice and it is bad to see him making a false claim that waters down the noxious nature of this anti-cooling agreement. Especially in the context of correcting a minor error of mine, as I acknowledged, it is important that a correction is accurate. Anyone can read my reply to Chris and look through to the links that prove my case.
I entirely support renewable energy where it has a solid economic and environmental case. I just don’t think that people should claim it will have much relevance to climate change in the short term. This is an entirely fact-based opinion, even if it sticks in some people’s craw, and goes counter to the Orwellian groupthink of bien pensants. If you think differently, please go into detail to rebut my observation that energy transition is too small, slow, difficult, contested and expensive to be a feasible main cooling factor. There is abundant evidence for this claim. You might also like to rebut the Royal Society’s estimate that emission reduction is one thousand times worse value for money than geoengineering as a climate response.
You talk about “unquestionable benefits of emissions reductions”. They would be unquestionable if they happened, but since emissions remain stubbornly high, and are projected to remain so, it is quite reasonable to question them, especially when these illusory benefits come at the direct expense of blocking feasible cooling action. I suppose exporting pollution is a benefit for air quality in rich countries, if morally dubious overalle.
There is a big difference between your allegation that I support Business As Usual and my view, which is to accept that in large measure BAU is our inevitable reality so should provide the context for negotiating climate responses. My view is that the most important thing is to construct a broad political alliance to support an Albedo Accord. That needs to include industries who support BAU, as well as a range of climate change constituencies. Every effort should be made to include Indigenous people under principles of free prior and informed consent, but insisting on extreme policies as a precondition for political cooperation is a recipe for failure.
If you really think “there is no risk that the economic system will collapse”, I don’t believe you are studying the data very carefully. See attached AI commentary on this central point.
I am not making deep state conspiracy claims as you wrongly allege. The dominance of emission reduction as the accepted climate solution doesn’t require a hidden “deep state” conspiracy. It’s better explained by structural bias, political economy, industry lobbying and narrative lock-in. That looks like deep-state behaviour—entrenched, resistant to challenge, and serving vested interests—but it arises primarily from open institutional processes shaped by power, with no clear evidence of secret collusion.
Your discussion of world per-capita CO₂ emissions is misleading. The data you reference actually shows per-capita emissions flatlining in recent years, not significantly declining, down only 4% from a peak of 4.85 tonnes per person in 2011. But that modest dip masks the deeper reality of increase:
So yes, world per-capita emissions have flatlined since 2011—but not because humanity has discovered a credible pathway to deep emissions cuts. Instead, the flatline reflects statistical artifacts of outsourcing, subsidies, and accounting conventions. To infer from this data that people are “capable of cutting emissions” is exactly the kind of tendentious spin decarbonisation boosters rely on: stretching weak signals into evidence for a narrative that does not match physical reality.
You make the following claim: “This is nonsense: “In no way are renewables a systemic solution. They do nothing about the primary drivers of warming, namely the loss of clouds, ice, snow and aerosols.” Short term you are right but GHGs are the ultimate driver and the rest follows / has followed.”
What you ignore here Tycho is the nature of tipping processes. The drastic collapse in cloud cover is increasing radiative forcing far beyond the capacity of emission reduction to counterbalance. It is true that carbon removal is essential for system stability. But renewable transition does not remove carbon, it only marginally slows the rate of increase. Your statement “the rest follows” reminds me of this cartoon.
Regards
Robert Tulip
From: Tycho Huussen <tychoh...@protonmail.com>
Sent: Saturday, 16 August 2025 2:33 PM
To: rob...@rtulip.net
Cc: tychoh...@gmail.com; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: RE: [prag] Re: [HPAC] The Big Lie of Decarbonisation
Robert,
I am going to wind down my contributions to the discussion as it is becoming increasingly more unreasonable and unpleasant.
Re the carbon balance: I distinguish between the natural carbon balance, which is more or less in balance without the fossil carbon flux, and a fossil carbon cycle that should observe *geological net zero* if we don’t want to mess up the system. Trying to make nature mop up fossil carbon emissions is imo unlikely to work fast enough on the required scale. Therefore I support point source CCS and a phase out of distributed emissions.
A phase out is a process of decades allowing economic systems to adapt. So there is no risk that the economic system will collapse.
We agree that some cooling until GHG concentrations have been brought down might be desirable.
Your writing is laced with deep state conspiracy claims, strong opinions and personal attacks.
Although the crossing of planetary boundaries and tipping is now probably inevitable with emissions reductions alone, these (and other) statements are over the top:
-“by liars like Michael Mann are profoundly untrue and corrupt”
-“the immoral fantasy that renewable energy transition can be relevant to climate change.”
Many of your statements ignore or even deny the unquestionable benefits of emissions reductions.
Regarding emissions projections the point is rather immaterial, as 225% and 246% CO2 compared to preindustrial are both very problematic.
This is where we differ fundamentally: “My assessment of the balance of political and economic forces is that BAU vastly outweighs the influence of its scientific opponents.” Change is already happening.
This is simply not true: “Humans are not capable of emission cuts”. The data tell a different story: https://ourworldindata.org/grapher/co-emissions-per-capita
I know about the role of clouds in the climate and already told you I am working on the development of MCB as a physicist and project manager.
This is nonsense: “In no way are renewables a systemic solution. They do nothing about the primary drivers of warming, namely the loss of clouds, ice, snow and aerosols.” Short term you are right but GHGs are the ultimate driver and the rest follows / has followed.
We agree that emissions cuts alone are not sufficient anymore. It should be clear by now I don’t oppose, and in fact partake in research into cooling options.
This is a toxic opinion that leaves the impression that renewables are no good “Advocacy of emission reduction alone is a feeble moral and intellectual capitulation to the commercial interests of wind and solar energy manufacturers.” Why don’t you say “renewables are great but probably not enough to avoid dangerous global warming”.
In case you don’t recognize it, you are positioning yourself as a warrior for BAU. And you are antagonizing people like Chris and myself who make the effort of talking with you.
Personally I choose to double down my personal advocacy for the phase out of emissions, despite the political backlash. In my opinion your piece contributes to the backlash.
Please look at the per capita emissions (see link above) and note they are actually going down in most parts of the world and that global emissions are flattening. Clear signs that energy and climate can in fact be decoupled.
Best regards,
Tycho
Sent from Proton Mail for iOS
Robert,
Unfortunately, you have not taken into account much of what I said in my previous email, particularly about the 2013 LP amendment. You have also introduced a load of speculative, ficticious nonsense around the 2008 resolution that makes you sound like a conspiracy theorist. See my comments in blue annotating your email below on specific points.
I was involved in all the LC/LP meetings about ocean fertilisation/marine geoengineering from 2007 up until I retired in 2016 and so I can confidently say that I am aware of all the discussions that took place.
Let’s start from the beginning of the LC/LP’s involvement with ocean fertilisation/marine geoengineering mentioning the key points:
Chris.
From: rob...@rtulip.net <rob...@rtulip.net>
Sent: 12 August 2025 15:17
To: 'Chris Vivian' <chris....@btinternet.com>; 'Tycho Huussen' <tychoh...@gmail.com>; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: RE: The Big Lie of Decarbonisation: OIF in the London Protocol
Chris, you are an expert on the London Protocol, so I welcome your comment. You are technically correct here about waste, but only in a narrow, pedantic, legalistic and elastic sense [ This is not so!]. Readers should be aware the LP defines Ocean Iron Fertilization as dumping, but places it under the “other matter” category, separate from waste [ Not true!]. This gives dumping waste a specialised meaning in the LP quite different from ordinary usage [ Not true!].
How you can dump something that is not waste is contrary to the normal meaning. In ordinary language “dumping” means discarding something you don’t want, i.e. waste. But your clarification reflects that under the London Protocol, “dumping” is what is known in arcane legal jargon as a ‘term of art’, a phrase that has a specialised definition in that field, which may differ significantly from its everyday meaning [ Not true!] . But opponents such as ETC are happy to jump on the anti-waste bandwagon without those legal niceties. [ETC have not had any involvement with the LC/LP as they are not recognised observers.]
The 2008 resolution defines OIF as dumping, stating OIF does “not currently qualify for any exemption from the definition of dumping “in the Convention and the Protocol.” [ See the comments in my email above.] We are then left with whether you can dump something that is not waste. [I looked up a number of dictionaries and most said something like “Dumping has multiple meanings, but it most commonly refers to the act of getting rid of something unwanted” and only a few referred to wastes. So, ‘dumping’ does not have to refer to wastes.] Indeed, as you point out, the lawyers at the IMO conveniently maintain that you can. [I did not say that.] The convenience was that with ordinary language they would have needed a new treaty to wage their war against geoengineering, [There was no war being waged against marine geoengineering but a concern to regulate the activity to avoid harm to the marine environment. Also, a new treaty was not needed but instead an amendment to the existing LP] but their elastic definition of dumping enabled them to harness the LP to this unstated (and arguably immoral) end [This is rubbish]. OIF is not waste but still dumping. [ Not so!] They needed that specialised twisting of language to justify their political decision, which had the apparent and successful intent to severely chill and delay research into planetary cooling [Completely untrue!]. , the act of getting rid of something that is not wanted;
By classing OIF as dumping, negotiators sent a strong public message equating geoengineering with ocean pollution, framing it as a threat rather than a potential tool [No. Marine geoengineering could potentially be useful tool but also potentially could cause marine pollution]. Their decision served the Big Lie that decarbonisation is the only way to respond to climate change [This statement is the Big Lie! There was, as far as I can remember, no discussion at all that decarbonisation was the only way to respond to climate change.]. If negotiators had stuck to the ordinary-language meaning of waste and dumping, they could never have folded OIF into the London Protocol without an explicit new treaty or amendment devoted to geoengineering. [They did go for an amendment after many meetings over 5 years to discuss the options!]That would have required a new negotiation mandate, years of diplomacy, explicit consent from Parties, [That’s what happened!] and, crucially, open political debate on the merits and risks of planetary cooling.
Instead, by leaning on the elastic, term-of-art definition of wastes or other matter, they could re-purpose an existing instrument that already had binding force. No need to create an overt “Anti-Geoengineering Treaty” — they could act under the radar, framing it as “just enforcing existing rules.” [Utter nonsense!]
The political convenience
The unstated end
This is all nefarious and underhand [This is nonsense.] and bad for the environment, in conflict with the clear arguments that OIF is actually immensely beneficial. [More research still needs to be done before such a statement could be justified.]
The manoeuvre was a textbook case of politically motivated environmental harm disguised as protection. [It was no such thing.] By stretching the “dumping” definition [Untrue] the London Protocol Parties didn’t just regulate OIF cautiously — they weaponised an anti-pollution treaty to pre-empt a whole class of planetary cooling research [Untrue] That achieved several unstated objectives:
This is thoroughly bad for the environment and the climate. If OIF works at scale — and a substantial body of modelling [I don’t think there is a substantial body of modelling of OIF] and early field evidence says it can: [More research still needs to be done before such a statement could be justified.]
Suppressing that pathway in the name of “precaution” is reckless and dangerous [That is not happening as there are a number of proposals to carry out OIF experiments and I understand Peter F is in discussion with the USEPA about getting a permit for such an experiment. So, the LC/LP’s actions have not suppressed the OIF pathway.] when the precautionary principle should apply equally to not acting in the face of clear and present climate danger. [I agree with this point!] The LP’s OIF treatment fails its own stated aims, turns precaution into paralysis, and leads to worse environmental damage by blocking beneficial interventions. [Untrue]
Chris,
Thank you for setting out the history and definitions so clearly. I apologise for imputing nefarious motives and for failing to understand the 2013 extension of the LP mission that you explain. You have well explained the LP’s revised language on dumping vs placement that I failed to appreciate, and I apologise for that mistake. I also regret implying bad faith to negotiators — I respect your long experience in the process, and I should have avoided phrasing that might suggest otherwise.
My intention was to highlight the unintended consequence, that the way OIF was originally categorised and regulated has made research politically and reputationally harder, undermining the urgent need to explore all cooling pathways. I hope we can continue discussing that policy dimension constructively.
My misunderstanding — assuming that the LP continues to define OIF as dumping — reflects several sources: the unchanged LP title and goal, the 2008 resolution (which did treat OIF as dumping), and the continued public denigration by NGOs of OIF as dumping. Taken together, these led me into drawing conspiratorial inferences which, as your reply makes clear, lack a solid basis.
The LP has not changed its stated title or goal to cover its expansion into regulating non-dumping activities. Its title remains “The 1996 Protocol to the Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, 1972.” The extension to placement of OIF is not mentioned on the LC Wikipedia Page.
Article 2 backs up this purpose: “Contracting Parties shall … protect and preserve the marine environment from all sources of pollution and take effective measures … to prevent, reduce and where practicable eliminate pollution caused by dumping or incineration at sea of wastes or other matter.”
Nothing in the title or goal refers to non-dumping activities. That helps to explain my assumption that the 2008 definition of OIF as dumping still reflected the LP stance. I had not appreciated your point that the 2013 amendment revised this dumping language explicitly in the annex (though not in the title or Article 2), making placement and dumping opposite categories, and placing OIF under placement rather than dumping. I acknowledge this correction and apologise for overstating my case.
My underlying concern is not with the technical definitions but with the policy consequences. I have long believed that OIF at scale is essential to repair and restore the climate. It is one of the few approaches with genuine climate-relevant potential, yet unlike renewable energy it has encountered severe regulatory hostility. As such, I remain mystified that scientific organisations could reject OIF solely for technical rather than political reasons.
From 2008 to 2013, the LP treated OIF as dumping, and that framing carried strong connotations of waste and pollution. Even though the 2013 amendment changed the terminology, the political effect was to regulate OIF under a treaty whose title and purpose remain exclusively about “dumping of wastes and other matter.” This is where my confusion lies: extending the LP to regulate placement activities like OIF looks like mission creep. If the intent was to build a framework for marine geoengineering, I would have expected the LP to amend not only its annexes but also its title and stated goal, to match its expanded scope. Without that, the optics still tie OIF to “dumping” in the public understanding, even if legally it has been re-categorised.
I take your point that this was not done with nefarious intent, but as a pragmatic way to act within an existing legal instrument, in a climate of scientific caution. Still, I worry that the conceptual ambiguity between the title and annex has contributed to the widespread hostility and suspicion surrounding OIF research. I agree with you that precaution is essential — but I also believe precaution should apply equally, and even more urgently, to inaction in the face of escalating climate risks.
NGOs have strongly campaigned against OIF as dumping, and the technical change you describe has not filtered into the public debate. In 2007, groups like Greenpeace, ETC Group, and Friends of the Earth quickly framed OIF proposals as “ocean dumping.” ETC called it “dumping iron into the ocean” and urged governments to stop “rogue geoengineering.” Greenpeace ran slogans like “Stop Ocean Dumping Experiments,” equating OIF with pollution. These groups seized on the 2008 LP language to reinforce their narrative, saying that even the IMO treated OIF as dumping. ETC declared the LP resolution “confirms that ocean fertilization is dumping and must be prohibited,” and Greenpeace used similar phrasing in press releases, treating it as a legal endorsement. I don’t recall any headlines in 2013 noting that OIF was no longer legally classed as dumping. That suited the rhetorical strategy of NGOs, and the stigma has persisted: researchers fear being tarred as “ocean dumpers.” The “dumping” frame has stuck in public and NGO discourse long after the LP shifted to “placement.”
Thank you again, Chris, for clarifying these points. I appreciate learning about the policy detail, which helps me revise my assumptions — distinguishing between the legal history, where I now accept your correction, and the policy outcomes, where I remain concerned that the LP’s approach has failed to apply the precautionary principle in a coherent way.
With respect,
Robert
To view this discussion visit https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/healthy-planet-action-coalition/00b701dc101f%2480605620%2481210260%24%40btinternet.com.
Robert,
You still have not got it right about the 2008 resolution despite my comments in my last email that the 2008 resolution defined ocean fertilisation as placement. See comments below in blue.
Best wishes
Chris.
From: rob...@rtulip.net <rob...@rtulip.net>
Sent: 18 August 2025 14:40
To: 'Chris Vivian' <chris....@btinternet.com>; 'Tycho Huussen' <tychoh...@gmail.com>; 'Planetary Restoration' <planetary-...@googlegroups.com>; 'HPAC' <healthy-planet-...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: RE: [HPAC] RE: The Big Lie of Decarbonisation: OIF in the London Protocol
Chris,
Thank you for setting out the history and definitions so clearly. I apologise for imputing nefarious motives and for failing to understand the 2013 extension of the LP mission that you explain. You have well explained the LP’s revised language on dumping vs placement that I failed to appreciate, and I apologise for that mistake. I also regret implying bad faith to negotiators — I respect your long experience in the process, and I should have avoided phrasing that might suggest otherwise.
My intention was to highlight the unintended consequence, that the way OIF was originally categorised and regulated has made research politically and reputationally harder, undermining the urgent need to explore all cooling pathways. I hope we can continue discussing that policy dimension constructively.
My misunderstanding — assuming that the LP continues to define OIF as dumping — reflects several sources: the unchanged LP title and goal, the 2008 resolution (which did treat OIF as dumping), and the continued public denigration by NGOs of OIF as dumping. Taken together, these led me into drawing conspiratorial inferences which, as your reply makes clear, lack a solid basis.
The LP has not changed its stated title or goal to cover its expansion into regulating non-dumping activities. [The LP has done so under Article 2 ‘Objectives’] Its title remains “The 1996 Protocol to the Convention on the Prevention of Marine Pollution by Dumping of Wastes and Other Matter, 1972.” [I am not sure that it is possible to change the title of a treaty once it has been agreed.] The extension to placement of OIF is not mentioned on the LC Wikipedia Page. [Needs updating]
Article 2 backs up this purpose: “Contracting Parties shall … protect and preserve the marine environment from all sources of pollution and take effective measures … to prevent, reduce and where practicable eliminate pollution caused by dumping or incineration at sea of wastes or other matter.” [The important word in this text is “and” so that the first part of the text is not limited to just covering the second part of the text dealing with dumping or incineration of wastes or other matter. Note that footnote 1 in the 2008 resolution quoting the equivalent text from the London Convention is clearer in this regard.]
Nothing in the title or goal refers to non-dumping activities. [I am not sure that it is possible to change the title of a treaty once it has been agreed. See also my comment above about LP article 2. In addition, the qualification to the definition of placement “…provided that such placement is not contrary to the aims of this Protocol” provides a mechanism to exert control over non-dumping activities.] That helps to explain my assumption that the 2008 definition of OIF as dumping [It did not – see above.] still reflected the LP stance. I had not appreciated your point that the 2013 amendment revised this dumping language explicitly in the annex (though not in the title or Article 2), making placement and dumping opposite categories [They always have been.], and placing OIF under placement rather than dumping. I acknowledge this correction and apologise for overstating my case.
My underlying concern is not with the technical definitions but with the policy consequences. I have long believed that OIF at scale is essential to repair and restore the climate. It is one of the few approaches with genuine climate-relevant potential, yet unlike renewable energy it has encountered severe regulatory hostility. As such, I remain mystified that scientific organisations could reject OIF solely for technical rather than political reasons.
From 2008 to 2013, the LP treated OIF as dumping, [Not so, see above.]and that framing carried strong connotations of waste and pollution. Even though the 2013 amendment changed the terminology, the political effect was to regulate OIF under a treaty whose title and purpose remain exclusively about “dumping of wastes and other matter.” This is where my confusion lies: extending the LP to regulate placement activities like OIF looks like mission creep. If the intent was to build a framework for marine geoengineering, I would have expected the LP to amend not only its annexes but also its title and stated goal, to match its expanded scope. Without that, the optics still tie OIF to “dumping” in the public understanding, even if legally it has been re-categorised.
I take your point that this was not done with nefarious intent, but as a pragmatic way to act within an existing legal instrument, in a climate of scientific caution. Still, I worry that the conceptual ambiguity between the title and annex has contributed to the widespread hostility and suspicion surrounding OIF research. I agree with you that precaution is essential — but I also believe precaution should apply equally, and even more urgently, to inaction in the face of escalating climate risks. [Agreed!]
NGOs have strongly campaigned against OIF as dumping, and the technical change you describe has not filtered into the public debate. In 2007, groups like Greenpeace, ETC Group, and Friends of the Earth quickly framed OIF proposals as “ocean dumping.” [This was prior to the 2007 Scientific Groups meeting in June 2007] ETC called it “dumping iron into the ocean” and urged governments to stop “rogue geoengineering.” Greenpeace ran slogans like “Stop Ocean Dumping Experiments,” equating OIF with pollution. These groups seized on the 2008 LP language to reinforce their narrative, saying that even the IMO treated OIF as dumping. ETC declared the LP resolution “confirms that ocean fertilization is dumping and must be prohibited,” and Greenpeace used similar phrasing in press releases, treating it as a legal endorsement. I don’t recall any headlines in 2013 noting that OIF was no longer legally classed as dumping. [See above]That suited the rhetorical strategy of NGOs, and the stigma has persisted: researchers fear being tarred as “ocean dumpers.” The “dumping” frame has stuck in public and NGO discourse long after the LP shifted to “placement.” [I must point out that despite what is said above, Greenpeace International as observers at the LC/LP have engaged constructively in discussions about ocean fertilisation/marine geoengineering since 2007. I don’t think they have said that ocean fertilization is dumping since 2007. However, bear in mind that Greenpeace and some other environmental NGOs have independent national organisations that may not have entirely consistent views on issues such as ocean fertilisation.]