With the American declaration of an exit from Afghanistan, Beijing and
Islamabad are upbeat. This leaves India in the lurch as it is ill prepared to
face the threat posed by Islamic fundamentalists and the Chinese Communists
argues Bharat Verma.
The creeping invasion by authoritarian regimes will engulf Asia by 2020 as
democracies continue to retreat. India is unprepared and unwilling to safeguard
the Asian democratic space.
The growing clout of totalitarian regimes coupled with non-State actors is
set to shrink the democratic space in Asia. If the onslaught is not reversed by
the end of the next decade, Islamic fundamentalist regimes, Communist
dictatorships, military juntas and non-State actors will redraw the
international boundaries and largely govern Asia.
The squeeze on the democratic space in India will increase once the
American forces begin to exit Afghanistan in July 2011. Islamic fundamentalists
with the assistance of the sympathetic Pakistan army will take over Afghanistan
and Pakistan. This Taliban stronghold will operate on a ‘hub and spoke’
principle to expand influence and territory. To begin with, India will lose $1.5
billion (about Rs 6,900 crore) worth of investment in Afghanistan, as it is
unwilling to defend it.
Islamic fundamentalism will sweep into Central Asia once the American wall
holding the spread disappears from Afghanistan. Gradually, the resource rich
area will come under the spell of the dark forces. Russia will feel threatened.
Americans and the International Security Assistance Force are in many ways
fighting Russia’s war.
Unlike New Delhi, Moscow is always willing to fight its way out!
Islamabad aims to create a caliphate with the help of the Islamic regimes
running from Central Asia to West Asia and Southeast Asia. India stands in the
way. Beijing desires to unravel India into multiple parts based on the
pre-British model as it cannot digest the challenge to its supremacy offered in
Asia by a liberal union of multi-religious and multi-ethnic States.
The simple truth is that Indian democratic values contradict and thereby
pose a threat to the authoritarian philosophy of both, the Communists in
Beijing, and the Islamic fundamentalists in Islamabad. Similarly, many regimes
in Islamic West Asia feel uncomfortable with India’s ability to generate
unprecedented soft power. Regression to medieval times helps keep these
autocratic regimes in the saddle.
The all-pervading Indian soft power, therefore, poses a serious challenge.
Hence, Pakistan is supported by the petro-dollars dished out on a Wahabbi
checkbook to neutralise the threat posed by liberal India.
It is obvious that if the Indian model wins, autocratic regimes like China
and Pakistan lose.
Primarily, there have been no terrorist attacks on India after Mumbai 26/11
on two counts. First, the raging civil war within has kept Pakistan preoccupied.
Second, the intervention of the American forces has forced diversion of the
Pakistan army and its non-State actors’s resources away from India. The stated
exit of the Western forces beginning July 2010 from the Af-Pak region will
render India extremely vulnerable.
The truth is that American forces in many ways are fighting India’s war
too. However, New Delhi’s expectation that they will continue to fight such a
war without India chipping is being naive.
While China and Pakistan have joined hands against India and bide their
time for the American forces to leave, New Delhi has appealed to Washington not
to exit from Afghanistan, but is unprepared and unwilling to assist. The
Catch-22 is that neither the West led by America can win without Indian help nor
can India prevail without a concrete alliance with the West.
New Delhi’s strategic incoherence continues to encourage Beijing and
Islamabad’s designs of destabilising the Union. Militarily, India remains
underprepared due to the huge equipment shortages on land, sea and air, created
by the ministry of defence over the last two decades.
Shirking its primary responsibility of equipping the military leaves it ill
equipped to cope with the increasing intensity of the threat once the Western
forces retreat.
The stalemate in Afghanistan predominantly occurs on two counts. First,
superior technology in a guerrilla war where motivational level of the adversary
is very high, unless combined with adequate boots on the ground cannot deliver
victory.
The West does not have a large reservoir of manpower to mitigate the
situation. Thus, the under-manned war for past nine years has produced
difficult-to-reverse battle fatigue despite the most modern technology on
display.
The result is the resurgent Taliban and Al Qaeda in the region. To win, a
fair share of the soldiery needs to be drawn from Asian stock with equally high
motivation and equipped with Western technology to surmount the challenge posed
by Islamic fundamentalists.
Second, to defend Afghanistan, the war machinery should focus on Pakistan.
However, the American strategy in Afghanistan is similar to the Indian fortress
mentality.
Despite multiple attacks and infiltrations by the terrorists, New Delhi
continues to fortify itself internally in futile attempts to repulse the
attacks. Washington’s approach is similar in Kabul for the past nine
years.
The Americans and the allied forces keep defending against the irregular
guerrilla forces launched in to Afghanistan from Pakistan, clandestinely trained
by the Pakistan army and its Inter Services Intelligence. The ghost forces from
Pakistan, when attacked, disappear almost unscathed. They reappear in Kabul at
will.
Washington and New Delhi cannot win since both refuse to face the fact that
Pakistan is the problem.
To lend stability to Afghanistan, the threat from Pakistan covertly backed
by China must be neutralised. Similarly to secure India, the joint threat from
Pakistan and China needs to be resolved. In both, Pakistan is the common
factor.
Beijing’s Communists back the Islamic fundamentalists in Islamabad to expel
the American influence and subdue the Indians, even as Pakistan draws oxygen for
sustenance from the economic bailouts from the West.
Logic dictates that to defend Kabul, with the intention of expanding
influence of democracies in Asia, the focus must shift to Islamabad. However, an
exit by the American forces set for July 2011 from Afghanistan will herald the
process of colouring Asia in a dark hue.
With the declaration of the exit time frame, Beijing and Islamabad are once
again upbeat.
This leaves India in lurch, as it is ill prepared to face the threat
jointly posed by Islamic fundamentalists that includes the Pakistan army and the
ISI, and the Chinese Communists. Both support the Maoists in Nepal and the
non-State actors including the Maoists in India.
New Delhi therefore faces a simultaneous three-dimensional threat, — the
external war on two fronts, worsening internal front aided by external actors,
and lack of governance.