Cuyunon

[GLT]

Cuyunon

by: Lydia Mary De Leon

"Cuyunon," also "Cuyunin," "Cuyuno," and "Taga-Cuyo," refers
to the people and culture of the occupants of Busuanga Island,
Agutaya, and Cuyo, the main Island in a group of some 35 Islets in the
middle of the Sulu Sea, east of Palawan and southwest of Panay.
Comprising Busuanga Island are the towns of Busuanga in the west and
Coron in the east. Cuyo mainland include Magsaysay and Cuyo towns. It
is located 281.2km northeast of Puerto Princesa City. The term is
derived from Cuyo, the etymology of which is undertermined. In 1990, a
population of 15,175 (1990 census population by NSO) was spread over
the 50-sqkm Cuyo Island, which is defined by a rocky terrain with
numerous hills, three of these hills are the Aguado in Igabas,
Kayamamis in Lucbuan, and Bonbon in Rizal. The Cuyunon language is
accentuated by the peppet sound (the stress combined with the terminal
glottal stop) and contains monosyllabic word forms, like kut "touch
something," sut "go into," but "suffocate," el "get," buk "hair," bag
"loincloth." There is neither a Cuyunon grammar nor dictionary,
although a few prayer books have been written in the vernacular.

History

During the Ice Age, Palawan was linked to Borneo by land
bridges which might explain why the flora and fauna of Palawan are
similar to Borneo. Archaeological findings indicate that the late
Neolithic and early Metal Age saw the influx of the early inhabitants
of Palawan, mainly from Indo-China, South China, Malaya, and Thailand.
The burial jars, ceramics, and the remains of the dead found in
Palawan caves seem to indicate that these early settlers had well-
developed belief systems and lifeways.
By the 16th century the Muslim traders from the surrounding
areas had established close ties with the inhabitants of the islands,
to the point that there were already Muslim villages at the shores of
Palawan Island. As trade relations expanded, facets of Muslim cultural
and political life were imbibed by the local inhabitants. Soon after,
and due to their political superiority the Muslims of Borneo and
Mindanao exercised authority over the inhabitants of Palawan. Thus,
the people of Cuyo gave the tribute to the Muslims of the Borneo, a
custom that persisted until 1588. During this time, the Muslims were
also collecting tribute from the Calamianes and were preparing to
attack the island of Busuanga.

Palawan's first contact with Spain was when the remnants of
Magellan's expedition, including Pigafetta, arrived in 1521 at the
main island which they called Pulaoan. They also explored the islands
of Busuanga and Cuyo. Fr Luis de Jesus noted that the inhabitants of
Cuyo Island had Chinese blood which he said explained their
industriousness and shrewdness in trade. De Jesus described the
islands as abundant in rice, pearls, fish, exotic fruits, forest
products and wildlife.

The earliest attempt to assert Spanish authority over the
islands came in 1570 when Martin de Goiti arrived at Cuyo Island and
collected tribute worth 200 taels. By 1582, Cuyo with population of
800, was placed under the encomendero of Panay who was under the
jurisdiction of Iloilo. Meanwhile, the Calamianes and Paragua (Spanish
name for Palawan island) were placed under the jurisdiction of the
alcalde mayor of Mindoro. By 1591 Cuyo and Calamianes became separate
encomiendas. Spanish governance of the islands during this period was
limited to the collection of tribute, a fact deplored by the Spanish
friars who pointed out that the people of Calamianes also paid tribute
to the government in Borneo.

At the onset of the 17th century, the Spanish missionaries
began to sow Catholicism in the islands. By 1622 a group of Recollects
under the leadership of Fr Juan de Santo Tomas were assigned to Cuyo
to plant the seeds of Catholicism. According to the reports of the
Spanish priests, the Cuyunon accepted them warmly, except for the
native priests and priestesses who considered the foreign priests as
threats to their privileged positions. The friars immediately
implemented the policy of reduccion, gathering the inhabitants in one
settlement whose nucleus was the church. After several months of
assiduous evangelization, the Recollects baptized around a thousand
natives. They then implemented the same policies in the island of
Agutaya. In 1623 they established relations with the inhabitants of
Paragua but found them resistant to Catholicism, as Muslim influence
in the island was dominant. To offset this, the Spanish government
sent two companies fortified with authority to guard the newly founded
town and newly built fort in Paragua. So successful were the
Recollects that by 1850, there were already 2,000 Catholic families in
Cuyo alone.

By 1659, however, and due to lack of funds, the friars were
forced to abandon the islands, with the exception of Cuyo and Agutaya.
The Vacuum left by the friars was immediately exploited bye the
Chinese pirate Cheng Cheng Kung, who demanded that the islands be
placed under his rule. To counteract the Chinese presence, the local
leaders of the islands requested the national colonial government to
facilitate the return of Spanish missionaries, preferably the
Recollects. By 1715 the Spanish rule was established once more, as
proved bye the increase of "Christian souls" to 18,600. Aside from
evangelization, the friars also undertook administrative work in the
islands, particular training the natives of "indios" to become local
leaders.

Meanwhile, the growing Spanish influence over the islands was
challenged by the Muslims who asserted their presence bye continuous
attacks on these territories which they perceived as their own.
Because Palawan was located between Christianized Luzon and Islamized
Minadanao, the Palawan island group became the battleground of the
struggle between the cross and the crescent.

In 1602 a group of Muslim ships from Borneo raided Cuyo and
its neighboring islands, capturing in the process over 700 people.
Within the same year, the Calamianes were also attacked. In 1603 the
Maguindanao took more people captive and collected tribute from the
localities. In 1632 Fr Juan de San Jose of Cuyo was captured and
released only after tow years and in exchange for a P2,000 ransom.
Again, in the summer of 1636, a Muslim captain named Tagal under
Sultan Kudarat looted the churches in Cuyo and Calamianes. In Cuyo, on
20 Jun 1636, Tagal's forces captured the natives who were unable to
flee, burned the town, and killed three friars. More Spanish priests
were killed in subsequent attacks bye different groups of Muslims. By
1646 the Muslim leaders of Jolo, Guimbahanon, and Borneo conspired to
launch joint attacks against the vulnerable Spanish-dominated islands.

To protect themselves, the Recolllect missionaries and the
christianized natives built fortifications and garrisons. In 1638 Fr
Juan de San Severo led the building of fortresses which protected the
churches in Cuyo, Agutaya, and Culion. To stop the Muslim attacks, the
Spaniards applied dilatory tactics and diplomatic double dealing,
negotiating with Borneo while revitalizing and building their own
military capabilities. The diplomatic efforts resulted in the
acquisition of the whole island of Paragua, which was given to Spain
bye Borneo in 1705.

As a matter of policy, more fortresses were built in the
Christian-dominated towns of the islands, a timely decision indeed as
the Muslims renewed their attacks during the 1720s. The Muslims
attacked Cuyo in 1722, but they failed to overrun the fortress and
defeat the combative natives. Bye the 1730s the Muslims stepped up
their harassment and attacks on the fortresses in Culion, Paragua,
Calatan, Malampaya, Dumaran, Linapacan, Taytay, and other bastions of
Spanish rule. A this time, Cuyo's ability to protect itself became
evident, as the Cuyunon foiled another Muslim attempt to invade the
island bye a fierce counterattack which defeated the Muslims and
gained arms for the natives. During the 18th and the 19th centuries,
Palawan was microcosm of the fragmented society that was the whole
archipelago. The natives of the province were divided: some, like the
Molbog and Jama Mapun were under the jurisdiction of the Muslim
sultanate of southern Philippines; many, like the Calamianon,
Agutaynon, Cagayanon, And Cuyunon, became Christianized and fell under
the Spanish government; while the rest, like the Batak, Tagbanua, and
Palawan, continued their precolonial existence, practicing their
ancient native religion.

In the early years of the 19th century, the resurgence of
prehispanic native religion among the Cuyunon despite 200 years of
Catholic indoctrination, greatly bothered Cuyo's parish priest, Fr
Pedro Gilbert de Santa Eulalia. The priest noted the still widespread
worship of the souls of ancestors and the prevalence of rituals of the
babaylan or babylana (native priest/priestess). This was cause for
worry since the Cuyunon were considered as among the most
Christianized in the islands.

Another phenomenon that upset the Spanish authorities was the
fact that 2/3 of the Cuyunon still celebrated the feast honoring the
Diwata ng Kagubatan/Virgen del Monte (Enchantress of the Mountain),
periodically held atop Mt Caimana in Cuyo. The situation led the
Spanish authorities to intensify their evangelization and governance
efforts. Spain's effort to achieve national control over the
archipelago resulted in the organization of politico-military
provinces in designated territories. During the 1840s Cuyo became the
capital of the politico-military government of the Calamianes, which
also administered Agutaya, Culion, Busuanga, Linapacan, and Coron.
Meanwhile, Puerto Princesa became the capital of the politico-military
government of Paragua in 1872. Soon the Muslims stopped their attacks.
By 19 Nov 1886 the chieftains from Sulu and Jolo signed a treaty with
Don Joaquin Ybanez of the Spanish armada, recognizing the Spanish
authority over the entire Paragua.

In the 19th century, the Spanish government used Culion as a
leper colony, and as penal colonies for both political and criminal
offenders. As resistance against Spanish colonialism grew during the
second half of the 19th century in Luzon and the Visayas, the
territories of the present Palawan province became useful as dumping
ground for "subversives" or oppositionists caught bye the government.
During the late 1890s, 50 native soldiers of the Spanish guardia civil
defied colonial authority and released some 235 deportees or political
prisoners. However, the Spanish government suppressed the insurgency
and eliminated its leaders.

When the Spanish authorities left after the defeat of Spanish
colonial rule, the government of Emilio Aguinaldo designated
Hermogenes Constantino as commissioner for Palawan. But Constantino
and his men-supposedly revolutionaries from Luzon-abused their
authority, exploited the people and used their positions for personal
benefit. Upon the order of Baldomero Aguinaldo, Rufo Sandoval replaced
the corrupt Constantino as the head of Calamianes and Paragua.
Sandoval was warmly received in the islands-except in Cuyo, which
became the bastion of American colonialism. The foremost pro-Americans
in Cuyo were its local head Clemente Fernandez along with propertied
and prominent personalities like Ricardo Fernandez, Jose Manuel
Fernandez, Jose Manuel Rey, Alfonso Clemente Encarnacion and Abdon
Diego. These men decided to welcome the American control over Cuyo
even before the Americans arrived.

To secure the revolutionary government, Sandoval assigned
Fabian B de Leon and Pedro Concepcion as representatives of the newly
installed republic in Cuyo. Meanwhile, Sandoval had to track down the
stubborn americanistas of the island. To control the island, travel to
Panay was likewise restricted. However, de Leon and Concepcion were
eventually outmanuevered by the local elite who scorned being ruled by
the Tagalog leaders. The two were finally banished from Cuyo and
failed to regain control of the Cuyunon.

On May 1901 Lt Day of the Department of Mindanao and Jolo sent
an American ship to Cuyo. The Americans occupied and asserted their
authority over Puerto Princesa on 29 May 1901. During the period of
the Philippine-American War, the Cuyunon acquired the reputation of
being the "most pronounced Americanistas in the archipelago." Cuyo was
inaugurated as a local government under the new colonial government,
which, under the leadership of a pro-American army, reported that the
Filipino revolutionaries were effectively neutralized. The Cuyunon
gladly accepted the education offered by the new colonizers. According
to official US reports, even the elderly Cuyunon scholars spoke and
sang songs in English.

Depressed economic conditions in Cuyo bye the end of the 19th
century necessitated immigration to the other islands, like Panay, to
trade fish and harvest rice, Mindoro to cut sugercane, and Manila to
engage in commerce. Palawan drew swidden farmers in the 1910s and
1920s and larger scale homesteaders in the 1930s and 1940s.
Overpopulation and the encouraging accounts of out-migrants who
returned to Cuyo in wartime induced an upsurge of out-migration in the
immediate postwar years.



ECONOMY

Agriculture is the island's main occupation. Traditional
swidden farming produces rice, corn, sweet potatoes, manioc, and yams.
Planting takes place in lat April or early May. Cuyo's swidden yields
have tended to be unsubstantial. Fishing in Palawan's seas, the
secondary occupation, renders enough marine foods to be marketed in
Manila. Offshore fishing requires nets, traps, and hooks and lines;
various onshore techniques are employed to gather crab, shrimp,
octopus, shell, sea urchin, sea cucumber, seaweed, and jellyfish.

Cuyo's marginal share in the prewar market economy accounted
for the relative lack of social differentiation and generally
egalitarian outlook due to scarce land, markets, and investment
opportunities during the period. Carpentry, basketry, mat weaving, and
coconut wine collecting have generated small income. Copra has been
lucrative only for a few big landowners. The outmigration of natives,
mainly of average social standing, has significantly changed Cuyo's
socioeconomic patterns. The island has minor docks and small airstrip
for light aircraft.


POLITICAL SYSYTEM
Cuyo island and its neighboring islets are divided into two
municipalities, Cuyo and Magsaysay.

The municipality of Cuyo, which is the area's commercial and
cultural capital, encompasses 1,742.5ha and a population of 11,283
(Prudente 1977). It includes the barrios of Maringiam, Suba, Pawa, San
Carlos, Capenayan, Lubid, Manamoc, and Balading and Funds in Bisucay.

The municipality of Magsaysay encompasses 1,800 ha and a
population of 7,070 (Prudented 1977). It includes the barrios of
Igabas, Emilod, Lacaren, Balaguen, Los Angeles, Rizal, Lucbuan,
Canipo, and Cocoro.



SOCIAL ORGANIZATION AND CUSTOMS

Social contact is close and frequent in Cuyo Island. The
Cuyunon work in groups when farming, fishing, and even when
accomplishing small chores like cleaning house. However, as livelihood
activities demand less time than effort, leisure is a main occupation
particularly during the postharvest months from October to December.
The folk habitually visit with their neighbors, and the men often have
casual drinking sessions after work. There are more formal and
organized socials like dances where friendships and courtships are
pursued as well as baptism, birthdays, and weddings. Chuchgoing is
central to traditional life, and the Lenten rituals become primary
social events. In gratitude for requests granted by the saints,
notably Santa Cecilia, cilia festivities are held and highlighted bye
the roasting of pig. During the yearly village fiesta, the komedya is
performed for the more affluent in their private residences and for
the public in the plaza. Its production expenses are defrayed bye
minimal admission fees, which may earn a little profit for drinks.
Morning mass, cockfights, and games complete the celebrations.
Although the fiestas are well attended, the meals prepared are
comparatively simple. Cuyunon socials are generally more time
consuming than expensive, but are considered obligations that promote
self-esteem and group harmony.


ARCHITECTURE AND COMMUNITY PLANNING

From the sea, Cuyo Island's first visible landmark is a
lighthouse bye the pier. Many of the streets leading to the within the
town have already been cemented. The town has preserved the hispanic
plaza-iglesia structures. Dominating the town center is Cuyo's 1860
church, convent, and fort. Nearby stands a schoolhouse, and a monument
of Dr Jose Rizal. The original complex of stone and mortar was a
square with four bastions. The present complex, which occupies 1 ha,
is a solid rectangular edifice with walls 10 m high and 2 m thick. It
has a tall belfry and watchtowers; its canons which face the sea are
now fired only during town celebrations.

Houses are more dispersed in the barrios outside the town.
These are several variations of the traditional bahay kubo of nipa and
bamboo. Most are raised above the ground with the living quarters on
the second floor, a silong for storage underneath, and a kamalig for
additional storage in the backyard. The newer and larger houses now
use contemporary materials, mainly concrete, wood, and galvanized iron
- sometimes with lighter native materials.



PERFORMING ARTS

Indigenous Cuyunon music still survives in instruments such as
the batungtung (bamboo slit drum), palakupakan (sticks with bamboo
clappers), subing (jew's harp), and lantoy (nose flute).

The tipanu band, a fife and drum ensemble, and the de kwerdas,
a string band, supply background music on important social occasions.
They also accompany singers and render dance music like the plamundo-
pundo. The tipanu is reserved for the ati-ati, sinulog, and komedya.

Both ensembles use available instruments and instrumentalists.
The tipanu core is basically two drums and four to seven transverse
mouth flutes with six finger-holes. One or two tipanu nga maitley
(small flutes) and three or four tipanu nga mabael (larger flutes) are
played with a redublante (snare drum), bombo (big drum), and sometimes
a pair of platilyo (cymbals). The de kwerdas has two or three byulin
or sabel (violins), and occasionally a gitara or sista (guitar), a
baho ( six-stringed bass), a banjo, and a bandurria. In Cuyunon music
the akompanimento refers to the harmonic accompaniment-principal or
primers to the first or highest voice, and segunda to the second.

Cuyunon songs suggest the islanders' various occupations from
farming to tippling tuba (coconut wine). Fisherfolk and sailors often
sing about the sea (Fernandez and Fernandez 1975:5):

Ako ay mi layang pasiak Panambantaman mi pamalanak

Porabil ako mapilak kong nagasolong Don nganiang dagat.

I have a fishnet with shells as the weight. I use it for
catching "tamban" and "banak."

Before I throw the net, I wait for the tide to come in.

Lyrics are poetic although simple and unsentimental. They
convey wisdom, practicality, and falzism even in playful children's
songs (Fernandez and Fernandez 1975L2-3):

Taringting paglayog don, Ay ikaw tateban den.

Pagsot sa liyang-liyang, Sa batong malinang-linang.

Taringting fly away now, For the high tide will soon come.

Enter the eaves Among the smooth stones.

Some songs are infused with humor, which does not preclude
profundity (Fernandez Fernandez 1975:3):

Nagbilin si Nanay lomismo si Tatay,

Akeng pangasa waen and babai nga boray,

Ang babai nga boray adorno sa balay,

Ang babai nga boray kong mag-arek maloay.

My father and mother advised me

That I marry a blind girl

A blind girl will serve as an ornament at home,

A blind girl kisses softly.

Sandaw, the Cuyunon lullaby using either the pentatonic scale
or the western diatonic scale, soothes the child with pleas and
promises.

The Cuyunon youth celebrate love with song during the
postharvest corting season. The cancion, a popular serenade, is sung
with the strumming of a five - or six-stringed guitar in the
distinctive puntyal manner. Parting is a familiar concern in Cuyunon
love songs. Examples of love songs are "Napopongao Ako,""Ang
Gegma,""Ploning,""Daragang Taga Cuyo,""Konsomision,""Ako Maski
Bayan,""Tiis Manong Pido,""Nagpamasiar Ako," and "Komosta." Here are
the lyrics of the last two (Fernandez and Fernandez 1975:10).

Nagpamasiar Ako Napamasiar ako sa malapad nga siodad,

Nakapotay ako, papel nga malapad. Na basako rendaang manga
libirtad,

Ang naga norobian, sarang pa mabelag. I went strolling in a
wide city.

I picked up a wide paper. From it I read, the sweethearts

Can still be parted. Komosta

Komosta komosta dawat ang alima Tanda sa pagbelag ara
dipirinsia,

Ogali soltiros ogali daraga Naga rilasionan sa mayad nga leba.

Let me shake your hand As a sign of separation without hurt
feelings

It's but natural that we fall in love And then forget...

Music also marks the occasion of death. Pa Hesus is sung for a
person on the brink of dying, repeated over and over as a way of
entrusting the soul to God and driving away evil spirits.

Bereaved families are entertained with singing games during
the pulao (wake). The participants sing "Koirdas di la Bordon" as they
pass around a ring; the one who holds the ring at the end of the song
is made to sing. Similar rules apply to kotao-kotao except that the
game centers on a boy and girl holding a handkerchief (Fernandez and
Fernandez 1975:14):

Kotao kotao kong aga kotao kotao kong apon,

Mapatay sa gegma baridad sa getem.

Indi maingaranan and pito ka birso

Ang panyong palaran itaplak sa olo.

Crowning in the morning, Crowning in the afternoon,

Die of love, but not of hunger. The seven verses cannot be
mentioned,

But the lucky handkerchief must be placed on one's head.

Punebre music is played during the burial procession.
Sarabien, a dirge recounting the life of the deceased, is sung to the
cries of mourners swaying bye the graveside. Kalylywa is sung during
All Saints Day on the first of November.

Some song forms treat broader themes. The composo ballad
narrates factual events, particularly tragedies. It is often delivered
during fiestas with the music of a string band and at times the
dancing of boys and girls. The livelier erekay, originally a swidden
planting song, is performed in happy gatherings. It favors the topics
of love and sex (sung by an elder). In parlando-rubando syle, it may
be accompanied by a four-stringed instrument called yuke. The cancion
can venture into livelihood and nature subjects like layang and
pasiak.

Native yuletide songs such as the "Pinagbalay,""Pastores," and
"Tambora," are being replaced by modern Christmas carols. Of Cuyo's
festivity music, among the most well preserved are the songs and
chants of the Ati (Fernandez Fernandez 1975:24):

Sangka Mi Ati

Sangka mi ati kami tao sa bokid Sami mi bolawan, mangitit pa
sa oring.

Wa-ay wa-ay toboan kami paray Sa balay magsobra sa bantolina.

Only One Aeta We are people of the mountain,

We are gold, as black as charcoal.

Wa-ay. Wa-ay may rice grow abundantly,

In my house may it grow and overflow.

Other religious music are "Maghimaya ka Hati" and "Santa
Barbara Doncella," for seeking refuge from a storm; "Ave Maria
Stella," for the Blessed Virgin Mary, sung by women during wakes,
while planting, or as a protection from illness; gozos, for a sait at
the end of a novena or a procession during a fiesta; litania, for the
Virgin after a rosary and a novena; and alabado, for the Virgin and
the Blessed Sacrament.

A few songs commemorate Palm Sunday. The Lenten pasyon
narrates Christ's life and death. Also sung during Holy Week are
"Amante,""Ameng Diyos", "Crucifixus", "Perdon", "Pange Lingua",
"Stabat Mater", and "Regina Coeli" (for Easter). Notable of the songs
offered to the Virgin during the Flores de Mayo are "Dios te Salve,
Maria", "Ang Trese sa Mayo", and "Daygon ta si Maria at Venid."

Cuyunon dances have evolved from native and Spanish
influences. Among these are the pastores (the Christmas dance of the
sheppherds), the chotis (from the German schothische), lanceros de
Cuyo (local French guadrille), birginia and virgoere (virginia reel or
square dance), paraguanen (a romantic comic duet), and la jota paragua
(a Castillan-type jota using bamboo castanets and manton). The island
is known for the mazurka de Cuyo, a social dance with characteristic
mazurka steps. Another popular dance is the pinundo-pundo, a stylish
wedding dance marked by sudden pauses, its first two parts, featuring
solo dances of the boy and the girl, are followed by the suring, a
love play between the couple. Forms found in other regions, like the
kuratsa, pandangao, and habanera have also been adapted by the
Cuyunon.

The Cuyunon have developed the art of merging song, dance, and
drama. Cuyo's sayaw is a colorful enactment of a story heightened by
the music of a string band. It is presented by five pairs of youth
arranged in two lines, fully costumed and made up, and bearing props
like flowers, crowns, and even knives. After an introductory dance,
the leading couple proceed to relate the tale, sometimes using verse.
The topic may be anything, from everyday occurrences to special events
like winning the sweepstakes. This story is then interpreted in dance
and ended with a finale.

Tambora is a depiction of the nativity, traditionally
performed by Christmas carolers in Cuyunon or Spanish.

Yearly on August 28, Cuyo Island celebrates San Agustin's
feast. On the eve of the fiesta, a cultural presentation featuring the
traditional performing arts and sometimes a separate show of modern
songs and dances may be presented. The feast day is begun with a
morning mass ( sometimes a High Mass officiated by the bishop ) and
followed by the ati-ati, a legacy of the Aklanon. Folk from the nearby
islands board barotos (boats) to view the parade which recreates the
confrontation of San Agustin and the native "savages". Participants
portray the Aeta by darkening their bodies with soot and painting
their faces with anyel (indigo). They don foot-high headgear of
coconut ginit fiber adorned with chicken feathers, and decorate their
costumes with coconut leaves. The men, clad in loin cloths, carry
spears, bows and arrows, or bolo. The women, wearing patadyong and
beaded necklaces, carry baskets with a trumpline. The costumes may be
modified to distinguish the groups representing the various tribes.

The participants form tow lines, one of men and the other of
women. The director signals the start of the singing by striking his
cane on the ground. This is followed by a spontaneous dance
characterized by sways, hops, jumps, and the jerking of weapons
accompanied by chanting; the director also signals the end of the
dance. The teniente (barrio head) and his family may recite a series
of verses. The director is then approached bye the last to recite,
customarily the teniente's youngest child.

As the floats of San Agustin and other saints enter the church
at the end of the procession, the participants kneel, prostrate
themselves, or sing while performing skipping steps before the images.
The merrymaking intensifies when the alcayo, a dancing clown, chases
the ladies, stopping only when coins are thrown to him on the ground.
The alcayo collects the coins with his mouth.

Meanwhile, the pnapatan perfomance are staged in front of
various houses for a fee. These are mostly excepts of the komedya and
ati-ati known as komedya sa kalye and ati-ati sa bukid, the performers
of which use simpler clothing than in the more elaborate full-length
performances. Ati-ati sa bukid is sung and danced to celebrate a
fruitful harvest. Today it is usually danced by young boys wearing
masks or indigo-panted faces.

Another pantomime, inocentes, recreates the descent of the
"savages" from the hills to pay tribute to San Agustin. Wearing
coconut fiber masks and red striped shirts, the participants frolic
and fence with sticks.

Komedya or moro-moro performances are larger (with some 50
actors) and more refined than the ati-ati. The clash between the
Mustlims and the Christians is further dramatized by background music;
commonly used tunes are the pasadoble, marchas, giyera, and kasal.

The same subject is portrayed by the sinulog. The Christians
are identified by their black costumes, kampilan, and elongated
shields; the Muslims by their red turbans and waistbands, and round
shields. The participants may wear masks or paint their faces. Both
groups, usually of six dancers each, sometimes perform to the beating
of tin cans. Alternate steps of offense and defense, e.g., advancing
and retreating, with corresponding movements of weapons, are followed
by circular formations simulating scenes of strategy plotting.

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REFERENCES:

Abueg, Cerelita E. "The Town Fiesta Celebration of Cuyo." MS,
(1960), 38 leaves, paper no 2362.

The Aguino Administration: Major Development Programs and
Projects 1986-1992.

Bayot, Edilberto P. "Songs of Paragua." This week, Vol X, No
41, (8 Oct 1955).

Description of the Philippines. U.S. War Department. 1903.

Eight Philippine Folk Festival. Folk Arts Theatre:7th National
Folk Dance Workshop, (6-3 Jul 1986), 62-63.

Fernandez, Fe Tria and Jose T. Fernandez. Makaranta Kita: A
Compilation of Cuyuno Songs, 1975.

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