ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Tidak ada paksaan dalam beragama.ï؟½
Sikap Ikhwan terhadap orang-orang Kristen di Mesir dan dunia Arab adalah sikap yang jelas, lama dan sudah dikenal. Hak dan kewajiban mereka sama dengan kami, mereka sekutu di tanah air dan saudara dalam perjuangan nasional sejak lama. Mereka memiliki hak sebagai warga negara, baik material maupun spiritual, hak sipil dan politik, berbuat baik dan bekerjasama dengan mereka dalam hal kebaikan. Barangsiapa yang mengatakan diluar itu, maka kami berlepas diri dari apa yang ia ucapkan.ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Dan Kami jadikan kamu sekalian berbangsa-bangsa dan bersuku-suku agar saling kenal.ï؟½
Keberagaman ini dalam konteks Islam berarti mengakui orang lain, dan ini berarti harus ada kesiapan diri dan persepsi untuk menggandeng orang lain karena memiliki kebaikan, kebenaran dan kemaslahatan. Hal itu tidak lain berdasarkan sebuah riwayat yang artinya:ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Hikmah adalah sesuatu yang hilang dari seorang mukmin, kapan saja ia menemukannya ia adalah orang yang paling berhak dari yang lainnya.ï؟½
Oleh karena itu, sangatlah zalim orang yang menyebut Islam dan umatnya sebagai jamaï؟½ah yang tertutup meninggalkan dunia, tidak memiliki take and give terhadap bangsanya. Ikhwan kembali menegaskan akan komitmennya terhadap pandangan Islam ini dan mengingatkan kepada para pengikutnya agar setiap mereka, dalam ucapan dan pikiran, menjadi simbol bagi konsep ini. Menyatukan dan disatukan. Membuka hati dan pikirannya terhadap semua orang, tidak menganggap dirinya lebih atas orang lain. Tangannya terbuka bagi semua orang dalam hal kebaikan, kecintaan dan kejernihan hati. Ia memulai semuanya, baik ucapan dan perbuatan, dengan ucapan salam dan perdamaian. Dengan cara ini, Rasulullah SAW menjadi pemimpin bagi seluruh alam dan dengan ini saja orang bisa loyal kepadanya serta kepada kebenaran yang datang darinya. Kalaulah kamu berkeras hati, tentu mereka akan kabur dari kamu. Itu adalah peringatan untukmu, buat umatmu dan kamu sekalian akan ditanya.ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½د، ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ب، ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½.).. ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ة، ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ر، ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½.
ï؟½Hai manusia, Tuhanmu itu satu, bapakmu juga satu, setiap kamu dari Adam dan Adam dari tanah. Tidak ada keutamaan bagi Arab atas orang non Arab, juga bagi si putih atas si merah, kecuali dengan ketaqwaan.ï؟½ (HR. Ahmad dan Abu Nuï؟½aim di kitab ï؟½al-Hilyahï؟½, Tabrani dalam kitab ï؟½al-Ausathï؟½ juga oleh al-Bazzar. Imam al-Haitsami mengatakan bahwa orang-orang al-Bazzar adalah perawi-perawi hadits shahih)
Dalam kaitan kaedah ini, Ikhwan menyikapi isu tersebut dalam koridor berikut ini:ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Tidak ada paksaan dalam agama, telah jelas jalan yang benar daripada jalan yang sesat. Karena itu, barangsiapa yang ingkar kepada thogut dan beriman kepada Allah, maka sesungguhnya ia telah berpegang teguh pada tali yang kuat yang tidak akan putus. Dan Allah Maha Mendengar lagi Maha Mengetahui.ï؟½ (Al-baqarah: 256).
Kedua: moral (akhlaq).ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Dan sesungguhnya kamu (hai Muhammad) berahlaq mulia.ï؟½ (Al-Qalam: 4).ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½
ï؟½Dan Kami turunkan bersama mereka, Al-Kitab (Al-Qurï؟½an) dan al-Mizan (As-Sunnah) untuk menegakkan keadilan di kalangan manusia.ï؟½ (Al-Hadid: 25).
Dua pondasi ini (moral dan keadilan) yang disebutkan dalam Al-Qurï؟½an;ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Allah tidak melarang kamu terhadap orang-orang yang tidak memerangi agama kamu dan tidak mengusir dari rumah kamu, untuk berbuat baik kepada mereka dan berlaku adil. Sesungguhnya Allah mencintai orang-orang yang adil.ï؟½ (Al-Mumtahanah: 8).
Keempat: kerja sama. Tentu tidak ada artinya bila hidup bersama ini tidak dibarengi dengan kerja sama antar anggota masyarakat untuk mewujudkan kepentingan bersama. Bahkan Allah taï؟½ala menjelaskan bahwa kerja sama ini sebuah tuntutan walaupun dilakukan dengan orang-orang musyrik.ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½ï؟½.Dan jangan sampai kebencianmu kepada suatu kaum karena mereka menghalang-halangi dari Masjidil Haram, mendorongmu berbuat melampaui batas (kepada mereka). Dan tolong menolonglah kamu dalam hal (mengerjakan) kebaikan dan taqwa, serta janganlah tolong menolong dalam berbuat dosa dan permusuhan.ï؟½ (Al-Maidah: 2).
Ikhwan dengan Kristen Koptik, Sebagai Contohï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½ï؟½
ï؟½Hai manusia, takutlah kamu kepada Tuhanmu yang telah menciptakanmu dari jiwa yang satu.ï؟½ (An-Nisa: 1).
Imam Al-Banna pernah menulis surat kepada perdana menteri Mesir tahun 1938, Muhammad Mahmud Basha. Dalam suratnya, Al-Banna meminta perdana menteri untuk penerapan syariat Islam, melarang pesta-pesta jorok dan menjalankan kewajiban. Perdana menteri menjawab denga mengataka; mungkin ada di dalam umat ada unsur lain non muslim yang tidak ingin menggunakan hukum Islam. Untuk menjawab itu, realita dan fakta sudah membuktikan bahwa unsur ini telah berinteraksi dengan Islam selama beberapa abad lamanya. Tidak pernah dilihat selama waktu itu selain keadilan yang utuh. Ucapan yang disampaikan oleh khalifah Umar bin Khatab kala bertemu dengan gubernur Mesir;ï؟½Wahai Amr, sejak kapan kamu menjadikan orang sebagai budak padahal mereka dilahirkan oleh ibunya dengan status merdeka.ï؟½ selalu mengiyang-iyang di telingah setiap muslim.
JazakAllahu Khairan
Wassalam
Irma
Hassan al-Banna was born in Mahmudiyya, Egypt, north-west of Cairo. His father, Shaykh Ahmad al-Banna, was a well regarded and pious local Imam and mosque teacher of the Hanbali Madh'hab (school of Fiqh - jurisprudence). He was a scholar of Islam who wrote and collaborated on books on Muslim traditions, and he also had a shop where he repaired watches and sold record players. Shaykh Ahmad al Banna and his wife owned some property, but they were not wealthy.
By age thirteen, al-Banna was already involved in politics, and participated in demonstrations during the revolution of 1919 against British rule. Hassan al-Banna joined the Hasafiya Sufi order when he was 15, having become interested at age 12. He entered the State Teacher's Training Center and graduated first in his class in 1923 at the age of 16.
Al-Banna moved to Cairo to enter the Dar al-Ulum college in 1923. Because of his father's connections in the religious community, he met prominent Islamic scholars. He was also exposed to the breakdown of Islamic society in the city, and the trend to secularization, which shocked him. He was very concerned over the abandonment of Islam by younger people. He saw Islam as a religion besieged by the onslaught of Western culture, an onslaught that must be met by re-educating the young.
Al-Banna became an eager student of Islamic reformists, especially the Egyptian Muhammad 'Abduh, and 'Abduh's disciple, the Syrian Rashid Rida. Al-Banna was a dedicated follower of Rida and reader of Al-Manar, Rida's magazine.
Rida's major concern, like that of Muhammad Abduh, was the decline of Islamic civilization relative to western countries. They both believed that this trend could be reversed only by returning to a "pure" form of Islam, free of all the exegesis and innovations that had diluted the strength of its original message. But while Abduh had wanted to use what he thought of as the original principles of Islam to forge reform and liberalism, Rida and especially Banna identified different original principles and had a different program entirely. Al-Banna believed that the main danger to Islam was not the conservatism of Al-Azhar and the Ulema. Though he criticized the conservatives, Al-Banna was more afraid of the ascendancy of the West and secularism. He wanted the conservatives to be more active in condemning atheism and Christian missionaries, and in combating colonialism.
Al Banna decided to dedicate himself to becoming "a counselor and a teacher" of adults and children, to teach them "the objectives of religion and the sources of their well-being and happiness in life". He graduated from Dar al Ulum in 1927 and took a position as an Arabic language teacher in a state primary school in Isma'iliya, near the Suez Canal Zone.
In Isma'iliyya, in addition to his teaching duties, Al-Banna gave night classes to his pupils' parents. He also preached in the mosque, and in coffee-houses. He placed himself at shrines where pious Muslims were likely to congregate, and put an eclectic face on his teachings, avoiding disagreement with traditions and local customs. For example, the worship of dead Muslim saints is considered shirk, that is polytheistic. Pious but ignorant people nonetheless made cults centers out of the grave sites of holy men, which in theory threatens tawhid - monotheism. Al-Banna appeared at these sites and did not criticize the practices. He used the gatherings to draw people into his movement and hold meetings explaining his views about Islam. He also downplayed his disagreements with the religious élite, who were not happy with his free introduction of Ijtihad - innovation in Islam. Al-Banna adopted semi-western dress rather than traditional robes, and a modest beard, to appeal to the widest Egyptian audience and look modern.
Al Banna was repelled by the British and other colonial presence in Ismailiya, including the military camps, ownership of utilities by foreign concessions and the luxury hotels that contrasted with the slum housing of Egyptian workers.
Al-Banna launched the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood in March of 1928. The brotherhood was extremist and violent from its inception. It's motto is, "God is our purpose, the Prophet our leader, the Qur'an our constitution, Jihad our way and dying for God's cause our supreme objective."
Al-Banna was quite clear that his goal was not solely an anti-colonialist struggle in Egypt nor the refurbishment of Islam, but rather a world revolution that would establish Islam as the dominant religion of the entire world:
we will not stop at this point [i.e., “freeing Egypt from secularism and modernity”], but will pursue this evil force to its own lands, invade its Western heartland, and struggle to overcome it until all the world shouts by the name of the Prophet and the teachings of Islam spread throughout the world. Only then will Muslims achieve their fundamental goal… and all religion will be exclusively for Allah. (Habeck, Knowing the enemy p. 120)
The key themes of radical Islamism and Jihadism were reiterated in numerous quotes by Al Banna, including:
Central importance of violent Jihad - In traditional Islam, Jihad, which means "struggle" was divided into "Greater Jihad," an inner struggle to achieve sanctity and religious truth and a "Lesser Jihad" - war against enemies of Islam or Jihad Musallah. Al-Banna reversed the priorities. He relegated inner spiritual struggle to Jihad al-asghar, the lesser Jihad, and elevated violent war against enemies of Islam to Jihad al akbar, the great Jihad. His stance on this point is explicit. Al-Banna wrote:
Many Muslims today mistakenly believe that fighting the enemy is jihad asghar (a lesser jihad) and that fighting one's ego is jihad akbar (a greater jihad). The following narration [athar] is quoted as proof: "We have returned from the lesser jihad to embark on the greater jihad." They said: "What is the greater jihad?" He said: "The jihad of the heart, or the jihad against one's ego."
This narration is used by some to lessen the importance of fighting, to discourage any preparation for combat, and to deter any offering of jihad in Allah's way. This narration is not a saheeh (sound) tradition. (source: see Jihad )
The cult of martyrdom - Al-Banna wrote:
My brothers! The ummah that knows how to die a noble and honourable death is granted an exalted life in this world and eternal felicity in the next. Degradation and dishonour are the results of the love of this world and the fear of death. Therefore prepare for jihad and be the lovers of death. Life itself shall come searching after you.
My brother, you should know that one day you will face death and this ominous event can only occur once. If you suffer on this occasion in the way of Allah, it will be to your benefit in this world and your reward in the next. (source: see Jihad )
The supremacy of Islam - "Islam must dominate and is not to be dominated."
Restoration of the lost caliphate - i'adat al Khalifa al Mafqudah - is the chief immediate political goal of the Islamist movement.
The decadence and imminent demise of the west - "The civilization of the West, which was brilliant by virtue of its scientific perfection for a long time, and which subjugated the whole world with the products of this science to its states and nations, is now bankrupt and in decline. "
Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism - The Jews are the agents of change and westernization, and responsible for the decline of the west as well as Islam. This was not a new theme in the Muslim and Arab world.
Initially, the Muslim Brotherhood society seemed to be one among many small Islamic associations. These associations promoted personal piety and engaged in charitable activities. But the Muslim brotherhood was different. Al-Banna injected social content and economic messages into the Muslim brotherhood, making it into a channel for political discontent. Al-Banna's big chance came during the Arab Revolt in Palestine, and the rise of the Axis powers. For Al-Banna and the Muslim Brotherhood, the Jewish presence in Palestine was another Westernizing colonialist influence that had to be stopped simply because it was Western.
In 1936, the Muslim Brotherhood had about 800 members around Cairo. By 1938, it boasted nearly 200,000 members, with fifty branches in Egypt alone, as well as numerous branches in Jordan and Palestine. The organization established mosques, schools, sport clubs, factories and a welfare service network. On the eve of World War II there were more than a half million active members registered in more than two thousand branches across the Arab world.
As noted, the purpose of the group was inherently subversive. Alongside the open layer of legitimate activities, the Brotherhood developed a network of underground cells (usar, singular usrah), They stole weapons, trained fighters, formed secret assassination squads, founded sleeper cells of supporters in the ranks of the army and police, and waited for the order to go public with terrorism, assassinations, and suicide missions.
Al Banna claimed to be a Salafi, but a Salafi group has published a detailed critique of the Muslim Brotherhood and Al Banna: Historical Development of the Methodologies of the Ikhwan al Muslimeen and their effect on contemporary Salaafi Dawah. They maintain that Muhammad Abduh, Hassan al-Banna and Muhammad Rashid Rida created an activist movement that was falsely presented as Salafiyyah, but that al-Banna's pretensions were purely a matter of political expediency.
The growth of the Muslim Brotherhood was accompanied or caused in part by the fact that Al-Banna associated it with the German Nazi party and the Third Reich. From the ideological point of view, the Jew hatred, authoritarianism, addiction to violence and desire to defeat the British of both the Muslim Brothers and the Nazis were quite enough to make the two movements find common cause.
The Brotherhood’s political and military alliance with Nazi Germany blossomed into formal state visits, de facto ambassadors, and overt and covert joint ventures. The Muslim Brotherhood transformed Nazi anti-Semitism into a Muslim version, providing Arab translations of Mein Kampf (translated into Arabic as “My Jihad”) and other Nazi anti-Semitic works, including Der Sturmer hate-cartoons, adapted to portray the Jew as the demonic enemy of Allah rather than the German Volk.
When World War II broke out, al-Banna worked to firm up his alliances with Hitler and Mussolini. He sent them letters and emissaries, and urged them to assist him in his struggle against the British and the westernized regime of Egypt's King Farouk. The Intelligence Service of the Muslim Brotherhood vigorously collected information on the heads of the regime in Cairo and on the movements of the British army, offering this and more to the Germans in return for closer relations.
Hassan al-Banna attempted to run for parliament in 1942, but was dissuaded from doing so. Side by side with the clandestine network, al-Banna built a grass roots propaganda apparatus and a highly structured mass movement. Like the Soviet Communist Party, the Muslim Brothers targeted specific groups in society. They had separate sections in charge of furthering the society's values among peasants, workers, and professionals. Similar to the Soviet Comintern and Agitprop and the Nazi Ministry of Propaganda, Al-Banna also created units entrusted with specified functions such as propaganda, liaison with the Islamic world, and press and translation.
The Muslim Brotherhood organization became a model for later Islamist movements. In addition to Comintern style "sections," Al-Banna relied heavily on pre-existing social networks, in particular those built around mosques, Islamic welfare associations, and neighborhood groups. Directly attached to the brotherhood, and feeding its expansion, were numerous businesses, clinics, and schools. This open layer of support was directly affiliated with the network of underground cells and helped to finance it. It formed both a recruiting ground and a mechanism for funneling money from charity into subversive activities.
The underground cells of the Muslim Brotherhood began to carry out major acts of violence in the 1940s. The relaxation of military rule following the war made it easier to carry out these attacks. In a single week in 1946, four attacks, in which guns and explosives were used, were directed at British occupation forces, wounding 128 people. A group of Brotherhood figures were put on trial and found guilty by judge Ahmed El-Khazindar. Eight months later, the judge was assassinated by two Brotherhood members.
In 1947 and 1948 several Jewish-owned businesses in Cairo were bombed by the Brotherhood, which also sent volunteers to fight in the first Arab-Israel war. The volunteers were incorporated in the Egyptian attack plans. However, the Egyptian government also announced that a large cache of weapons had been discovered at the home of a Brotherhood member in Ismailia.
When it became evident that the war against Israel was an ignominious failure, agitation against the government and dissatisfaction increased, and the Muslim Brotherhood was prominent in leading it. On December 18, 1948, Prime Minister Mahmoud El-Noqrashi Pasha issued a military decree dissolving the group. Ostensibly, it had secretly plotted to overthrow the monarchy. Twenty days later, a young Brotherhood member assasinated Noqrashi Pasha inside the Interior Ministry building.
Al-Banna was quick to try to dissociate himself from the assassination, which was in fact, in keeping with the teachings of the brotherhood and Al-Banna. He declared that those who had carried out the assassination were "neither brothers nor Muslims". The government was not convinced. Al-Banna was killed at the age of 43, apparently by government agents on February 12, 1949.
Ami Isseroff
December 17, 2008
References and Reading List
Bari, Zohurul , Re-Emergence of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt, Lancers Books, New Delhi, 1995.
Chasdi, Richard J. Tapestry of Terror: A Portrait of Middle East Terrorism, 1994-1999, Lexington Books, Lanham Maryland, 2002.
Choueiri, Youssef M., Islamic Fundamentalism, revised edition, Pinter (Cassell), London, 1997.
Davidson, Lawrence , Islamic Fundamentalism: An Introduction, revised and updated edition, Greenwood Press, Westport Connecticut, 2003.
Esposito, John L., Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam, Oxford University Press, New York, 2002.
Hussain, Asaf, Political Terrorism and the State in the Middle East, Mansell Publishing Limited, London and New York, 1988.
Kepel, Gilles, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh, translated from the French by Jon Rothschild, University of
California Press, London and Berkeley, 1985.
Stanley, Trevor, The Quest for Caliphate: Islamist Innovation from Qutb to al-Qaeda, Honours Thesis, La Trobe University, Bundoora (Melbourne), 2003.
Online:
Hasan al-Banna and the Ways and Means of Da'wah
Politics in God's Name (Al Ahram Weekly, 247, 16-22 November, 1995)
لا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ
“Tidak ada paksaan dalam beragama.”
وَجَعَلْنَاكُمْ شُعُوبًا وَقَبَائِلَ لِتَعَارَفُوا
“Dan Kami jadikan kamu sekalian berbangsa-bangsa dan bersuku-suku agar saling kenal.”
الْحِكْمَةُ ضَالَّةُ الْمُؤْمِنِ فَحَيْثُ وَجَدَهَا فَهُوَ أَحَقُّ بِهَا
“Hikmah adalah sesuatu yang hilang dari seorang mukmin, kapan saja ia menemukannya ia adalah orang yang paling berhak dari yang lainnya.”
Oleh karena itu, sangatlah zalim orang yang menyebut Islam dan umatnya sebagai jama’ah yang tertutup meninggalkan dunia, tidak memiliki take and give terhadap bangsanya. Ikhwan kembali menegaskan akan komitmennya terhadap pandangan Islam ini dan mengingatkan kepada para pengikutnya agar setiap mereka, dalam ucapan dan pikiran, menjadi simbol bagi konsep ini. Menyatukan dan disatukan. Membuka hati dan pikirannya terhadap semua orang, tidak menganggap dirinya lebih atas orang lain. Tangannya terbuka bagi semua orang dalam hal kebaikan, kecintaan dan kejernihan hati. Ia memulai semuanya, baik ucapan dan perbuatan, dengan ucapan salam dan perdamaian. Dengan cara ini, Rasulullah SAW menjadi pemimpin bagi seluruh alam dan dengan ini saja orang bisa loyal kepadanya serta kepada kebenaran yang datang darinya. Kalaulah kamu berkeras hati, tentu mereka akan kabur dari kamu. Itu adalah peringatan untukmu, buat umatmu dan kamu sekalian akan ditanya.” أيها الناس إن ربكم لواحد، وإن أباكم واحد كلكم لآدم وآدم من تراب، لا فضل لعربي على أعجمي ولا لأبيض على أحمر إلا بالتقوى.).. رواه أحمد وأبونعيم في الحلية، والطبراني في الأوسط والبزار، وقال الهيثمي رجال البزار رجال الصحيح.
“Hai manusia, Tuhanmu itu satu, bapakmu juga satu, setiap kamu dari Adam dan Adam dari tanah. Tidak ada keutamaan bagi Arab atas orang non Arab, juga bagi si putih atas si merah, kecuali dengan ketaqwaan.” (HR. Ahmad dan Abu Nu’aim di kitab “al-Hilyah”, Tabrani dalam kitab “al-Ausath” juga oleh al-Bazzar. Imam al-Haitsami mengatakan bahwa orang-orang al-Bazzar adalah perawi-perawi hadits shahih)
لا إِكْرَاهَ فِي الدِّينِ قَدْ تَبَيَّنَ الرُّشْدُ مِنَ الْغَيِّ فَمَنْ يَكْفُرْ بِالطَّاغُوتِ وَيُؤْمِنْ بِاللَّهِ فَقَدِ اسْتَمْسَكَ بِالْعُرْوَةِ الْوُثْقَى لا انْفِصَامَ لَهَا وَاللَّهُ سَمِيعٌ عَلِيمٌ
“Tidak ada paksaan dalam agama, telah jelas jalan yang benar daripada jalan yang sesat. Karena itu, barangsiapa yang ingkar kepada thogut dan beriman kepada Allah, maka sesungguhnya ia telah berpegang teguh pada tali yang kuat yang tidak akan putus. Dan Allah Maha Mendengar lagi Maha Mengetahui.” (Al-baqarah: 256).
Kedua: moral (akhlaq).وَإِنَّكَ لَعَلى خُلُقٍ عَظِيمٍ
“Dan sesungguhnya kamu (hai Muhammad) berahlaq mulia.” (Al-Qalam: 4).وَأَنْزَلْنَا مَعَهُمُ الْكِتَابَ وَالْمِيزَانَ لِيَقُومَ النَّاسُ بِالْقِسْطِ و
“Dan Kami turunkan bersama mereka, Al-Kitab (Al-Qur’an) dan al-Mizan (As-Sunnah) untuk menegakkan keadilan di kalangan manusia.” (Al-Hadid: 25).
Dua pondasi ini (moral dan keadilan) yang disebutkan dalam Al-Qur’an;لا يَنْهَاكُمُ اللَّهُ عَنِ الَّذِينَ لَمْ يُقَاتِلُوكُمْ فِي الدِّينِ وَلَمْ يُخْرِجُوكُمْ مِنْ دِيَارِكُمْ أَنْ تَبَرُّوهُمْ وَتُقْسِطُوا إِلَيْهِمْ إِنَّ اللَّهَ يُحِبُّ الْمُقْسِطِينَ
“Allah tidak melarang kamu terhadap orang-orang yang tidak memerangi agama kamu dan tidak mengusir dari rumah kamu, untuk berbuat baik kepada mereka dan berlaku adil. Sesungguhnya Allah mencintai orang-orang yang adil.” (Al-Mumtahanah: 8).
Keempat: kerja sama. Tentu tidak ada artinya bila hidup bersama ini tidak dibarengi dengan kerja sama antar anggota masyarakat untuk mewujudkan kepentingan bersama. Bahkan Allah ta’ala menjelaskan bahwa kerja sama ini sebuah tuntutan walaupun dilakukan dengan orang-orang musyrik.وَلا يَجْرِمَنَّكُمْ شَنَآنُ قَوْمٍ أَنْ صَدُّوكُمْ عَنِ الْمَسْجِدِ الْحَرَامِ أَنْ تَعْتَدُوا وَتَعَاوَنُوا عَلَى الْبِرِّ وَالتَّقْوَى وَلا تَعَاوَنُوا عَلَى الإثْمِ وَالْعُدْوَانِ
“….Dan jangan sampai kebencianmu kepada suatu kaum karena mereka menghalang-halangi dari Masjidil Haram, mendorongmu berbuat melampaui batas (kepada mereka). Dan tolong menolonglah kamu dalam hal (mengerjakan) kebaikan dan taqwa, serta janganlah tolong menolong dalam berbuat dosa dan permusuhan.” (Al-Maidah: 2).
يَا أَيُّهَا النَّاسُ اتَّقُوا رَبَّكُمُ الَّذِي خَلَقَكُمْ مِنْ نَفْسٍ وَاحِدَةٍ
“Hai manusia, takutlah kamu kepada Tuhanmu yang telah menciptakanmu dari jiwa yang satu.” (An-Nisa: 1).
Imam Al-Banna pernah menulis surat kepada perdana menteri Mesir tahun 1938, Muhammad Mahmud Basha. Dalam suratnya, Al-Banna meminta perdana menteri untuk penerapan syariat Islam, melarang pesta-pesta jorok dan menjalankan kewajiban. Perdana menteri menjawab denga mengataka; mungkin ada di dalam umat ada unsur lain non muslim yang tidak ingin menggunakan hukum Islam. Untuk menjawab itu, realita dan fakta sudah membuktikan bahwa unsur ini telah berinteraksi dengan Islam selama beberapa abad lamanya. Tidak pernah dilihat selama waktu itu selain keadilan yang utuh. Ucapan yang disampaikan oleh khalifah Umar bin Khatab kala bertemu dengan gubernur Mesir;”Wahai Amr, sejak kapan kamu menjadikan orang sebagai budak padahal mereka dilahirkan oleh ibunya dengan status merdeka.” selalu mengiyang-iyang di telingah setiap muslim.Assalaamu'alaikum Wr. Wb.
Ya Allah tunjukanlah kepada kami semua jalan yang lurus, jalannya orang-orang yang Engkau beri nikmat kepada mereka, bukan jalan orang-orang yang sesat dan jalan orang-orang yang Engkau murkai. Amin.
Ya Allah janganlah Engkau biarkan kami menjadi salah satu golongan orang munafiq ya Allah, yang apabila datang sebuah peringatan kepada kami lalu kami pura-pura menerimanya dan dibelakang mereka kita mengolok-olokan peringatan itu.
Ya Allah bantulah kami menjalankan apa yang haq dan menjauhkan diri dari apa yang batil ya Allah dan Engkaulah yang Maha Adil dan Bijaksana.
Ya Allah, Engkaulah yang Maha Tau akan segala-galanya. Ampunilah kami jika kami telah melampaui batas sebagai seorang hambamu yang tidak tau apa-apa.
Ya Allah satukanlah umat islam dimanapun mereka berada karena syaitan-syaitan dan orang-orang kafir yang memusuhi kami banyak ya Allah.
Ya Allah, syurga dan neraka adalah milikMu ya Rabb, sungguh kami tidak kuat akan siksamu di neraka ya Allah, dan hanya Engkaulah yang dapat memberikan ridha kepada kami untuk memasuk syurgaMu ya Allah.
Ya Allah ampunilah kami semua jika kami telah berbuat dhalim kepada diri kami dan kepada saudara-saudara kami baik yang telah wafat maupun yang masih hidup.
Ya Allah, Engkaulah yang maha pengampun maka ampunilah dosa-dosa kami semuanya dan terimalah doa-doa kami ya Allah. Amiin.
Saudaraku sekalian, apa yang bisa saya lakukan untuk mendamaikan perbedaan pendapat dan perselihan diantara kita?
Jazaakullahu khairan,
Imam Wahyono
-----Original Message-----
From: irma maison <irmam...@yahoo.com>
Date: Sun, 20 Mar 2011 17:06:53
To: <pengajian-ge...@googlegroups.com>
Subject: Re: Keberagaman Etnis dan Agama Dalam Pandangan Ikhwan
Assalamualaykum wr wb,
Sebelumnya saya bukan ingin mengkritik tetapi ingin memberi tambahan mengenai Informasi Imam Hasan Al Banna. Beliau adalaah Radical Islamist dan Aliran Hasafiyah Sufi. Dan beliau jg pendiri "Jamaat Al Ikhwan Al Muslimun" atau lebih dikenalnya dg
Muslim Brothers,Muslim Brotherhood, al-Ikhwan al-Muslimin Jama'at al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun Hizb Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimoon al-Ikhwan ("The Brothers").
Group yg dipimpin Hassan Al Banna sampai sekarang terus berkembang dan sangat terkenal di worldwide, bukan hanya di Middle East, tetapi seluruh Dunia hingga saat ini. Mereka hanya menjual darah Rakyatnya sendiri utk kepentingan Individual dan jg Violent Jihad Group. Seperti Al Jihad dan Al GAma at Islamiyah di Egypt, HAMAS di Palestine, dan Mujahideen Groups di Afghanistan.
Untuk Informasi lebih detailnya mengenai Hassan Al Banna, Infomasi ini dari Middle East Link:
JazakAllahu Khairan
Wassalam
Irma
Hassan al-Banna -
Hassan al-Banna (Arabic <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Arabic.htm> : ??? ?????) was born October 14, 1906 and died February 12, 1949. Al Banna was a radical Islamist <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Islamism.htm> and founder of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim_Brotherhood.htm> (Jamaat al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun).
Hassan al-Banna was born in Mahmudiyya, Egypt, north-west of Cairo. His father, Shaykh Ahmad al-Banna, was a well regarded and pious local Imam <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Imam.htm> and mosque teacher of the Hanbali Madh'hab <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Madhhab.htm> (school of Fiqh <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Fiqh.htm> - jurisprudence). He was a scholar of Islam who wrote and collaborated on books on Muslim traditions, and he also had a shop where he repaired watches and sold record players. Shaykh Ahmad al Banna and his wife owned some property, but they were not wealthy.
By age thirteen, al-Banna was already involved in politics, and participated in demonstrations during the revolution of 1919 against British rule. Hassan al-Banna joined the Hasafiya Sufi <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Sufism.htm> order when he was 15, having become interested at age 12. He entered the State Teacher's Training Center and graduated first in his class in 1923 at the age of 16.
Al-Banna moved to Cairo to enter the Dar al-Ulum college in 1923. Because of his father's connections in the religious community, he met prominent Islamic scholars. He was also exposed to the breakdown of Islamic society in the city, and the trend to secularization, which shocked him. He was very concerned over the abandonment of Islam by younger people. He saw Islam as a religion besieged by the onslaught of Western culture, an onslaught that must be met by re-educating the young.
Al-Banna became an eager student of Islamic reformists, especially the Egyptian Muhammad 'Abduh <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muhammad_Abduh.htm> , and 'Abduh's disciple, the Syrian Rashid Rida. Al-Banna was a dedicated follower of Rida and reader of Al-Manar, Rida's magazine.
Rida's major concern, like that of Muhammad Abduh <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muhammad_Abduh.htm> , was the decline of Islamic civilization relative to western countries. They both believed that this trend could be reversed only by returning to a "pure" form of Islam, free of all the exegesis and innovations that had diluted the strength of its original message. But while Abduh had wanted to use what he thought of as the original principles of Islam to forge reform and liberalism, Rida and especially Banna identified different original principles and had a different program entirely. Al-Banna believed that the main danger to Islam was not the conservatism of Al-Azhar and the Ulema <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/ulema.htm> . Though he criticized the conservatives, Al-Banna was more afraid of the ascendancy of the West and secularism. He wanted the conservatives to be more active in condemning atheism and Christian missionaries, and in combating colonialism.
Al Banna decided to dedicate himself to becoming "a counselor and a teacher" of adults and children, to teach them "the objectives of religion and the sources of their well-being and happiness in life". He graduated from Dar al Ulum in 1927 and took a position as an Arabic language teacher in a state primary school in Isma'iliya, near the Suez Canal Zone.
In Isma'iliyya, in addition to his teaching duties, Al-Banna gave night classes to his pupils' parents. He also preached in the mosque, and in coffee-houses. He placed himself at shrines where pious Muslims were likely to congregate, and put an eclectic face on his teachings, avoiding disagreement with traditions and local customs. For example, the worship of dead Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> saints is considered shirk, that is polytheistic. Pious but ignorant people nonetheless made cults centers out of the grave sites of holy men, which in theory threatens tawhid - monotheism. Al-Banna appeared at these sites and did not criticize the practices. He used the gatherings to draw people into his movement and hold meetings explaining his views about Islam. He also downplayed his disagreements with the religious élite, who were not happy with his free introduction of Ijtihad <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Ijtihad.htm> - innovation in Islam. Al-Banna adopted semi-western dress rather than traditional robes, and a modest beard, to appeal to the widest Egyptian audience and look modern.
Al Banna was repelled by the British and other colonial presence in Ismailiya, including the military camps, ownership of utilities by foreign concessions and the luxury hotels that contrasted with the slum housing of Egyptian workers.
Al-Banna launched the Society of the Muslim Brotherhood <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim_Brotherhood.htm> in March of 1928. The brotherhood was extremist and violent from its inception. It's motto is, "God is our purpose, the Prophet our leader, the Qur'an our constitution, Jihad our way and dying for God's cause our supreme objective."
Al-Banna was quite clear that his goal was not solely an anti-colonialist struggle in Egypt nor the refurbishment of Islam, but rather a world revolution that would establish Islam as the dominant religion of the entire world:
we will not stop at this point [i.e., "freeing Egypt from secularism and modernity"], but will pursue this evil force to its own lands, invade its Western heartland, and struggle to overcome it until all the world shouts by the name of the Prophet and the teachings of Islam spread throughout the world. Only then will Muslims achieve their fundamental goal. and all religion will be exclusively for Allah. (Habeck, Knowing the enemy p. 120)
The key themes of radical Islamism and Jihadism were reiterated in numerous quotes by Al Banna, including:
Central importance of violent Jihad - In traditional Islam, Jihad, which means "struggle" was divided into "Greater Jihad," an inner struggle to achieve sanctity and religious truth and a "Lesser Jihad" - war against enemies of Islam or Jihad Musallah. Al-Banna reversed the priorities. He relegated inner spiritual struggle to Jihad al-asghar, the lesser Jihad, and elevated violent war against enemies of Islam to Jihad al akbar, the great Jihad. His stance on this point is explicit. Al-Banna wrote:
Many Muslims today mistakenly believe that fighting the enemy is jihad asghar (a lesser jihad) and that fighting one's ego is jihad akbar (a greater jihad). The following narration [athar] is quoted as proof: "We have returned from the lesser jihad to embark on the greater jihad." They said: "What is the greater jihad?" He said: "The jihad of the heart, or the jihad against one's ego."
This narration is used by some to lessen the importance of fighting, to discourage any preparation for combat, and to deter any offering of jihad in Allah's way. This narration is not a saheeh (sound) tradition. (source: see Jihad <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Jihad.htm> )
The cult of martyrdom - Al-Banna wrote:
My brothers! The ummah that knows how to die a noble and honourable death is granted an exalted life in this world and eternal felicity in the next. Degradation and dishonour are the results of the love of this world and the fear of death. Therefore prepare for jihad and be the lovers of death. Life itself shall come searching after you.
My brother, you should know that one day you will face death and this ominous event can only occur once. If you suffer on this occasion in the way of Allah, it will be to your benefit in this world and your reward in the next. (source: see Jihad <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Jihad.htm> )
The supremacy of Islam <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Islam.htm> - "Islam must dominate and is not to be dominated."
Restoration of the lost caliphate - i'adat al Khalifa al Mafqudah - is the chief immediate political goal of the Islamist movement.
The decadence and imminent demise of the west - "The civilization of the West, which was brilliant by virtue of its scientific perfection for a long time, and which subjugated the whole world with the products of this science to its states and nations, is now bankrupt and in decline. "
Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism - The Jews are the agents of change and westernization, and responsible for the decline of the west as well as Islam. This was not a new theme in the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> and Arab world.
Initially, the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood society seemed to be one among many small Islamic associations. These associations promoted personal piety and engaged in charitable activities. But the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> brotherhood was different. Al-Banna injected social content and economic messages into the Muslim brotherhood, making it into a channel for political discontent. Al-Banna's big chance came during the Arab Revolt <http://www.zionism-israel.com/dic/Arab_Revolt.htm> in Palestine, and the rise of the Axis powers. For Al-Banna and the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood, the Jewish presence in Palestine was another Westernizing colonialist influence that had to be stopped simply because it was Western.
In 1936, the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood had about 800 members around Cairo. By 1938, it boasted nearly 200,000 members, with fifty branches in Egypt alone, as well as numerous branches in Jordan and Palestine. The organization established mosques, schools, sport clubs, factories and a welfare service network. On the eve of World War II there were more than a half million active members registered in more than two thousand branches across the Arab world.
As noted, the purpose of the group was inherently subversive. Alongside the open layer of legitimate activities, the Brotherhood developed a network of underground cells (usar, singular usrah), They stole weapons, trained fighters, formed secret assassination squads, founded sleeper cells of supporters in the ranks of the army and police, and waited for the order to go public with terrorism, assassinations, and suicide missions.
Al Banna claimed to be a Salafi <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Salafi.htm> , but a Salafi <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Salafi.htm> group has published a detailed critique of the Muslim Brotherhood <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim_Brotherhood.htm> and Al Banna: Historical Development of the Methodologies of the Ikhwan al Muslimeen and their effect on contemporary Salaafi Dawah <http://www.salafipublications.com/sps/downloads/pdf/MNJ180008.pdf> . They maintain that Muhammad Abduh <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muhammad_Abduh.htm> , Hassan al-Banna <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Hassan_al-Banna.htm> and Muhammad Rashid Rida created an activist movement that was falsely presented as Salafiyyah, but that al-Banna's pretensions were purely a matter of political expediency.
Al-Banna and Nazism
The growth of the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood was accompanied or caused in part by the fact that Al-Banna associated it with the German Nazi party and the Third Reich. From the ideological point of view, the Jew hatred, authoritarianism, addiction to violence and desire to defeat the British of both the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brothers and the Nazis were quite enough to make the two movements find common cause.
The Brotherhood's political and military alliance with Nazi Germany blossomed into formal state visits, de facto ambassadors, and overt and covert joint ventures. The Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood transformed Nazi anti-Semitism into a Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> version, providing Arab translations of Mein Kampf (translated into Arabic as "My Jihad") and other Nazi anti-Semitic works, including Der Sturmer hate-cartoons, adapted to portray the Jew as the demonic enemy of Allah rather than the German Volk.
When World War II broke out, al-Banna worked to firm up his alliances with Hitler and Mussolini. He sent them letters and emissaries, and urged them to assist him in his struggle against the British and the westernized regime of Egypt's King Farouk. The Intelligence Service of the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood vigorously collected information on the heads of the regime in Cairo and on the movements of the British army, offering this and more to the Germans in return for closer relations.
Al-Banna in Politics
Hassan al-Banna attempted to run for parliament in 1942, but was dissuaded from doing so. Side by side with the clandestine network, al-Banna built a grass roots propaganda apparatus and a highly structured mass movement. Like the Soviet Communist Party, the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brothers targeted specific groups in society. They had separate sections in charge of furthering the society's values among peasants, workers, and professionals. Similar to the Soviet Comintern and Agitprop and the Nazi Ministry of Propaganda, Al-Banna also created units entrusted with specified functions such as propaganda, liaison with the Islamic world, and press and translation.
The Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood organization became a model for later Islamist movements. In addition to Comintern style "sections," Al-Banna relied heavily on pre-existing social networks, in particular those built around mosques, Islamic welfare associations, and neighborhood groups. Directly attached to the brotherhood, and feeding its expansion, were numerous businesses, clinics, and schools. This open layer of support was directly affiliated with the network of underground cells and helped to finance it. It formed both a recruiting ground and a mechanism for funneling money from charity into subversive activities.
The denouement of Al-Banna
The underground cells of the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brotherhood began to carry out major acts of violence in the 1940s. The relaxation of military rule following the war made it easier to carry out these attacks. In a single week in 1946, four attacks, in which guns and explosives were used, were directed at British occupation forces, wounding 128 people. A group of Brotherhood figures were put on trial and found guilty by judge Ahmed El-Khazindar. Eight months later, the judge was assassinated by two Brotherhood members.
In 1947 and 1948 several Jewish-owned businesses in Cairo were bombed by the Brotherhood, which also sent volunteers to fight in the first Arab-Israel war. The volunteers were incorporated in the Egyptian attack plans. However, the Egyptian government also announced that a large cache of weapons had been discovered at the home of a Brotherhood member in Ismailia.
When it became evident that the war against Israel was an ignominious failure, agitation against the government and dissatisfaction increased, and the Muslim Brotherhood was prominent in leading it. On December 18, 1948, Prime Minister Mahmoud El-Noqrashi Pasha issued a military decree dissolving the group. Ostensibly, it had secretly plotted to overthrow the monarchy. Twenty days later, a young Brotherhood member assasinated Noqrashi Pasha inside the Interior Ministry building.
Al-Banna was quick to try to dissociate himself from the assassination, which was in fact, in keeping with the teachings of the brotherhood and Al-Banna. He declared that those who had carried out the assassination were "neither brothers nor Muslims". The government was not convinced. Al-Banna was killed at the age of 43, apparently by government agents on February 12, 1949.
Ami Isseroff
December 17, 2008
References and Reading List
Bari, Zohurul , Re-Emergence of the Muslim <http://www.mideastweb.org/Middle-East-Encyclopedia/Muslim.htm> Brothers in Egypt, Lancers Books, New Delhi, 1995.
Chasdi, Richard J. Tapestry of Terror: A Portrait of Middle East Terrorism, 1994-1999, Lexington Books, Lanham Maryland, 2002.
Choueiri, Youssef M., Islamic Fundamentalism, revised edition, Pinter (Cassell), London, 1997.
Davidson, Lawrence , Islamic Fundamentalism: An Introduction, revised and updated edition, Greenwood Press, Westport Connecticut, 2003.
Esposito, John L., Unholy War: Terror in the Name of Islam, Oxford University Press, New York, 2002.
Hussain, Asaf, Political Terrorism and the State in the Middle East, Mansell Publishing Limited, London and New York, 1988.
Kepel, Gilles, Muslim Extremism in Egypt: The Prophet and Pharaoh, translated from the French by Jon Rothschild, University of California Press, London and Berkeley, 1985.
Stanley, Trevor, The Quest for Caliphate: Islamist Innovation from Qutb to al-Qaeda, Honours Thesis, La Trobe University, Bundoora (Melbourne), 2003.
Online:
Hassan Al-Banna <http://www.pwhce.org/banna.html>
Hasan Al-Banna <http://www.discoverthenetworks.org/individualProfile.asp?indid=1368>
Hasan al-Banna and the Ways and Means of Da'wah <http://www.spubs.com/sps/sp.cfm?subsecID=NDV02&articleID=NDV020001&articlePages=1>
Politics in God's Name <http://weekly.ahram.org.eg/archives/parties/muslimb/polgod.htm> (Al Ahram Weekly, 247, 16-22 November, 1995)
----------------
From: Mas Adi <adi...@hotmail.com>
To: Pengajian OC <pengajian-ge...@googlegroups.com>; Pengajian NMC <pengaj...@googlegroups.com>; Pengajian alikhlas <alikh...@googlegroups.com>
Sent: Sun, March 20, 2011 8:13:30 AM
Subject: Keberagaman Etnis dan Agama Dalam Pandangan Ikhwan
Assalaamu'alaikum wr. wb.
Dari milis tetangga.
Wassalaam,
Adi
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Keberagaman Etnis dan Agama Dalam Pandangan Ikhwan
Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun dalam menanggapi berbagai isu selalu dalam bingkai aturan, rambu dan prinsip yang jelas bersumber kepada Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunah. Diantara sikap mereka adalah sikap terhadap orang-orang Kristen Koptik sebagai sesama warga negara yang memiliki hak dan kewajiban yang sama. Ditambah beberapa sikap Ikhwan terhadap isu-isu kekinian sudah ditegaskan dalam etika perjuangan sejak tahun 1928. Artinya, sikap-sikap itu sudah terdata dan jelas sekali, tidak ada keraguan didalamnya.
Akan tetapi sejumlah tulisan tak bertanggungjawab biasanya menggunakan kesempatan untuk melakukan kampanye hitam atas prinsip-prinsip Jama'ah.
Menghadapi kampanye murahan ini, Jama'ah mengatakan kepada para penyeru kampanye itu seperti arahan Mursyid 'Am Ikhwan, asy-Syahid Hasan Al-Banna yang menyatakan;".. Atau seseorang yang berburuk sangka kepada kami dengan berbagai keraguannya. Ia tidak memandang kami selain dengan pandangan buruk semata, tidak berbicara tentang kami selain dengan bahasa orang yang tak suka dan buruk sangka. Orang semacam kami selalu mendo'akan kepada Allah ta'ala, untuk kami dan untuk dia, semoga Allah menunjuki kebenaran kepadanya dan kepada kami serta memberikan kepada kami untuk bisa mengikutinya. Dan menunjukkan kepada kami kebatilan adalah kebatilan semata, semoga Allah membimbing kami agar dijauhkan dari kebatilan tersebut. Kami terus mendakwahinya tanpa jenuh karena Allah ta'ala selalu menjadi harapan kami. Seperti yang difirmankan oleh-Nya dalam Al-Qur'an yang artinya; "Sesungguhnya engkau (hai Muhammad) tidak bisa memberikan hidayah kepada orang yang kamu cintai, namun Allah yang memberikan hidayah (petunjuk) kepada orag yang Ia kehendaki."
Berikut ini kami paparkan sikap Jama'ah terhadap isu etnis dan beragam agama seperti sikap Jama'ah atas isu-isu lainnya;
Sikap Umum Terhadap Muslim dan Non Muslim
Sikap ini bukanlah transisi atau pilihan untuk memilih yang lebih baik, namun sebuah sikap yang bersumber dari Islam, khususnya Al-Qur'an dan As-Sunnah. Ikhwan melihat bahwa manusia semuanya membawa kebaikan, siap mengemban amanah dan konsisten di jalan kebenaran. Ikhwan tidak disibukkan dengan mengkafirkan seseorang walaupun terjerumus dalam kemaksiatan, mereka melihat orang yang nampak diluarnya saja. Sedangkan masalah hati, itu rahasia Tuhan. Dia yang memberi ketaqwaan jiwa dan menghitung setiap apa yang dilakukan jiwa tersebut.
Ikhwan selalu mengatakan bahwa kami adalah para da'i dan bukan hakim, tak pernah sedetikpun untuk memikirkan membenci seseorang yang berlainan agama dan keyakinannya. Sebagaimana yang diajarkan oleh agama kita;
?? ????????? ??? ????????
"Tidak ada paksaan dalam beragama."Sikap Ikhwan terhadap orang-orang Kristen di Mesir dan dunia Arab adalah sikap yang jelas, lama dan sudah dikenal. Hak dan kewajiban mereka sama dengan kami, mereka sekutu di tanah air dan saudara dalam perjuangan nasional sejak lama. Mereka memiliki hak sebagai warga negara, baik material maupun spiritual, hak sipil dan politik, berbuat baik dan bekerjasama dengan mereka dalam hal kebaikan. Barangsiapa yang mengatakan diluar itu, maka kami berlepas diri dari apa yang ia ucapkan.
Islam sejak diturunkan wahyu kepada Rasulullah SAW menilai perbedaan manusia sebagai sebuah realita alam dan kemanusiaan. Sistem politik, sosial dan kebudayaan dibangun atas dasar perbedaan dan keberagaman ini.
??????????????? ???????? ??????????? ?????????????
"Dan Kami jadikan kamu sekalian berbangsa-bangsa dan bersuku-suku agar saling kenal."Keberagaman ini dalam konteks Islam berarti mengakui orang lain, dan ini berarti harus ada kesiapan diri dan persepsi untuk menggandeng orang lain karena memiliki kebaikan, kebenaran dan kemaslahatan. Hal itu tidak lain berdasarkan sebuah riwayat yang artinya:
??????????? ???????? ??????????? ???????? ????????? ?????? ??????? ?????
"Hikmah adalah sesuatu yang hilang dari seorang mukmin, kapan saja ia menemukannya ia adalah orang yang paling berhak dari yang lainnya."Oleh karena itu, sangatlah zalim orang yang menyebut Islam dan umatnya sebagai jama'ah yang tertutup meninggalkan dunia, tidak memiliki take and give terhadap bangsanya. Ikhwan kembali menegaskan akan komitmennya terhadap pandangan Islam ini dan mengingatkan kepada para pengikutnya agar setiap mereka, dalam ucapan dan pikiran, menjadi simbol bagi konsep ini. Menyatukan dan disatukan. Membuka hati dan pikirannya terhadap semua orang, tidak menganggap dirinya lebih atas orang lain. Tangannya terbuka bagi semua orang dalam hal kebaikan, kecintaan dan kejernihan hati. Ia memulai semuanya, baik ucapan dan perbuatan, dengan ucapan salam dan perdamaian. Dengan cara ini, Rasulullah SAW menjadi pemimpin bagi seluruh alam dan dengan ini saja orang bisa loyal kepadanya serta kepada kebenaran yang datang darinya. Kalaulah kamu berkeras hati, tentu mereka akan kabur dari kamu. Itu adalah peringatan untukmu, buat umatmu dan kamu sekalian akan ditanya.
Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimun
Kairo, 30 Dzulqaidah 1415/ 30 April 1995
Kesatuan Nasional
Syariat Islam membolehkan non muslim untuk menjalankan secara bebas agama, keyakinan dan syiarnya masing-masing.
Risalah Imam Al-Banna dan buku-buku Ikhwan secara umum, mempertegas pemahaman ini dan berusaha mempertajamnya di kalangan orang berdasarkan kaedah yang disepakati oleh para ahli fiqh tradisional; mereka memiliki hak dan kewajiban yang sama dengan kita.
Hubungan antara Ikhwan dan Nasrani tergolong lama dan baru, model yang unik dan gaya yang istimewa menunjukkan hubungan kuat di antara mereka. Belum pernah terjadi tindakan-tindakan yang bisa mengotori kebersihan hubungan ini. Hal mana mengingatkan kita akan peristiwa mengejutkan, yaitu sejumlah pendeta asal Qina, selatan Mesir pada tahun 40-an meminta perdana menteri saat itu untuk menerapkan syri'at Islam setelah mereka mendengar ceramah Imam Al-Banna seputar keistimewaan syari'at Islam yang berisikan jaminan terhadap hak, keamanan dan kestabilan bagi non muslim.
Ikhwan melihat bahwa kewarganegaraan yang diberikan oleh negara kepada rakyatnya telah menggantikan kedudukan "ahlu dzimmah". Kewarganegaraan ini dasarnya adalah keikutsertaan utuh dan persamaan dalam hak dan kewajiban. Tinggal masalah yang terkait dengan status pribadi seperti nikah, talaq, warisan dll, itu diserahkan kepada keyakinan masing-masing penduduk.
Dalam kaitan kewarganegaraan ini, agar masyarakat mendapatkan akses kemampuan dan kapasitas anggotanya, Ikhwan melihat bahwa orang-orang Nasrani bisa menjabat, selain sebagai kepala negara, semua jabatan lain seperti penasehat, kepala kantor bahkan menteri sekalipun. Ikhwan juga melihat bahwa keberagaman ini sebagai faktor kekuatan dan kekayaan, bukan faktor pemecahbelah.
Rasulullah SAW bersabda:
" ???? ????? ?? ???? ?????? ??? ????? ???? ???? ???? ???? ?? ????? ?? ??? ????? ??? ????? ??? ????? ??? ???? ??? ???????.).. ???? ???? ???????? ?? ??????? ????????? ?? ?????? ???????? ???? ??????? ???? ?????? ???? ??????.
"Hai manusia, Tuhanmu itu satu, bapakmu juga satu, setiap kamu dari Adam dan Adam dari tanah. Tidak ada keutamaan bagi Arab atas orang non Arab, juga bagi si putih atas si merah, kecuali dengan ketaqwaan." (HR. Ahmad dan Abu Nu'aim di kitab "al-Hilyah", Tabrani dalam kitab "al-Ausath" juga oleh al-Bazzar. Imam al-Haitsami mengatakan bahwa orang-orang al-Bazzar adalah perawi-perawi hadits shahih)Dalam kaitan kaedah ini, Ikhwan menyikapi isu tersebut dalam koridor berikut ini:
1- Tidak ada paksaan dalam agama, setiap orang memiliki hak untuk menjalankan praktek agamanya sesuai dengan aturan umum yang dipakai oleh masyarakat.
2- Sama-sama dalam meraih kesempatan hidup dan sama di depan hukum adalah hak mutlak bagi semua penduduk tanpa melihat etnis, warna kulit, bahasa ataupun agama apapun.
3- Status pribadi untuk minoritas diserahkan kepada syariat dan keyakinan masing-masing. Kecuali kalau memang mereka mau menjadikan syari'at Islam sebagai tempat rujukan mereka, itu dikembalikan kepada mereka.
4- Non muslim digolongkan mendapatkan hak dalam mayoritas muslim jika berhukum dengan syari'at Islam.
5- Jama'ah melihat bahwa pondasi hidup bersama (koeksistensi) di masyarakat memiliki 4 hal:
Pertama: menghormati dan mengakui orang lain serta berinteraksi dengannya. Bagi kita selaku umat Islam ini adalah masalah legitimasi, mencakup perbedaan agama dan politik, sesuai pembagian sekarang ini. Allah ta'ala telah memberikan kebebasan kepada manusia untuk memilih, iman atau kafir. Walau demikian Allah ta'ala tidak membeda-bedakan antara kafir dan mukmin dalam pembagian rezeki. Akan tetapi Allah ta'ala menjelaskan bahwa iman itu adalah ikatan kuat yang tidak akan terpisah. Allah ta'ala mengajaknya kesana dan memberikan dorongan ke jalan iman.
?? ????????? ??? ???????? ???? ????????? ????????? ???? ???????? ?????? ???????? ????????????? ?????????? ????????? ?????? ??????????? ????????????? ?????????? ?? ?????????? ????? ????????? ??????? ???????
"Tidak ada paksaan dalam agama, telah jelas jalan yang benar daripada jalan yang sesat. Karena itu, barangsiapa yang ingkar kepada thogut dan beriman kepada Allah, maka sesungguhnya ia telah berpegang teguh pada tali yang kuat yang tidak akan putus. Dan Allah Maha Mendengar lagi Maha Mengetahui." (Al-baqarah: 256).Kedua: moral (akhlaq).
????????? ?????? ?????? ???????"Dan sesungguhnya kamu (hai Muhammad) berahlaq mulia." (Al-Qalam: 4).
Ketiga: keadilan.
????????????? ???????? ?????????? ????????????? ????????? ???????? ??????????? ?
"Dan Kami turunkan bersama mereka, Al-Kitab (Al-Qur'an) dan al-Mizan (As-Sunnah) untuk menegakkan keadilan di kalangan manusia." (Al-Hadid: 25).Dua pondasi ini (moral dan keadilan) yang disebutkan dalam Al-Qur'an;
?? ??????????? ??????? ???? ????????? ???? ?????????????? ??? ???????? ?????? ????????????? ???? ??????????? ???? ???????????? ???????????? ?????????? ????? ??????? ??????? ??????????????
"Allah tidak melarang kamu terhadap orang-orang yang tidak memerangi agama kamu dan tidak mengusir dari rumah kamu, untuk berbuat baik kepada mereka dan berlaku adil. Sesungguhnya Allah mencintai orang-orang yang adil." (Al-Mumtahanah: 8).Keempat: kerja sama. Tentu tidak ada artinya bila hidup bersama ini tidak dibarengi dengan kerja sama antar anggota masyarakat untuk mewujudkan kepentingan bersama. Bahkan Allah ta'ala menjelaskan bahwa kerja sama ini sebuah tuntutan walaupun dilakukan dengan orang-orang musyrik.
???? ??????????????? ??????? ?????? ???? ?????????? ???? ??????????? ?????????? ???? ?????????? ????????????? ????? ???????? ???????????? ???? ??????????? ????? ??????? ??????????????
"..Dan jangan sampai kebencianmu kepada suatu kaum karena mereka menghalang-halangi dari Masjidil Haram, mendorongmu berbuat melampaui batas (kepada mereka). Dan tolong menolonglah kamu dalam hal (mengerjakan) kebaikan dan taqwa, serta janganlah tolong menolong dalam berbuat dosa dan permusuhan." (Al-Maidah: 2).Ikhwan dengan Kristen Koptik, Sebagai Contoh
Koptik Dalam Pemikiran Al-Banna
Ketika kita berbicara tentang Koptik dan pandangan Al-Banna tentang mereka, kita harus memahami bahwa beliau adalah pendiri bagi sebuah pemikiran. Beliau ingin mengungkap prinsip dan yang tidak ketahui oleh masyarakat umum. Sebagaimana diketahui, aliran Islam saat itu, seperti ungkap Ust. Tareq Bishri, pada fase sejarah yang menuntutnya untuk mengokohkan prinsip-prinsip umum, bukan di fase penyelesaian masalah-masalah yang tidak prinsipil.
Maka apa yang disampaikan oleh Al-Banna tentang Koptik atau isu-isu lainnya tidak jauh dari logika di atas. Berbagai sarana beliau gunakan, seperti konfrensi, ceramah, tulisan makalah, pergi ke desa atau unjuk rasa dan dengan cara beliau yang khas mengajak bicara semua pihak. Dengan pemahaman yang mengemuka kala itu dan sesuai dengan yang dikenal di kalangan para pembaharu di masanya.
Tidak Ada Sektarian di Ikhwan
Dalam risalah berjudul "Ila Syabab (kepada pemuda)" Imam Al-Banna mengatakan:
"Islam sangat menghormati ikatan kemanusiaan secara umum antara anak cucu Adam, sebagaimana Islam itu datang untuk kebaikan mausia dan rahmat bagi seluruh alam. Diharamkan menyerang di antara manusia, baik dalam kondisi marah atau permusuhan. Oleh karena itu, kami tidak menyerukan perbedaan etnis dan fanatisme sektarian."
Dalam risalah lain, "Dakwatuna fi thaurin jadid (dakwah kami dalam di era baru)" Al-Banna memandang bahwa dakwah kami bersifat mendunia karena mengajak semua orang. Dan manusia, pada asalnya, adalah bersaudara dari satu bapak. Tidak ada yang mulia di antara mereka selain dengan taqwanya dan dengan kebaikan yang dipersembahkan untuk umat manusia.
??? ???????? ???????? ???????? ????????? ??????? ?????????? ???? ?????? ?????????
"Hai manusia, takutlah kamu kepada Tuhanmu yang telah menciptakanmu dari jiwa yang satu." (An-Nisa: 1).Imam Al-Banna pernah menulis surat kepada perdana menteri Mesir tahun 1938, Muhammad Mahmud Basha. Dalam suratnya, Al-Banna meminta perdana menteri untuk penerapan syariat Islam, melarang pesta-pesta jorok dan menjalankan kewajiban. Perdana menteri menjawab denga mengataka; mungkin ada di dalam umat ada unsur lain non muslim yang tidak ingin menggunakan hukum Islam. Untuk menjawab itu, realita dan fakta sudah membuktikan bahwa unsur ini telah berinteraksi dengan Islam selama beberapa abad lamanya. Tidak pernah dilihat selama waktu itu selain keadilan yang utuh. Ucapan yang disampaikan oleh khalifah Umar bin Khatab kala bertemu dengan gubernur Mesir;"Wahai Amr, sejak kapan kamu menjadikan orang sebagai budak padahal mereka dilahirkan oleh ibunya dengan status merdeka." selalu mengiyang-iyang di telingah setiap muslim.
Imam Al-Banna dan Sistem Kewarganegaraan
Ada beberapa tudingan yang diarahkan kepada Imam Al-Banna bahwa beliau tidak memiliki ide atau pemikiran tentang sistem kewarganegaraan.
Secara aksiomatik historis harus kita akui bahwa ide jamiah islamiyah atau persaudaraan akidah bukanlah ide Al-Banna sendiri dan bukan orang yang pertama kali mendengungkannya. Ada tokoh gerakan Islam lainnya seperti Jamaludin al-Afghani, Mustafa Kamel, Khaerudin al-Tunisi, penulis Kristen Salim Bustan, salah satu pendukung negara Utsmani. Ia melihat bahwa tidak ada masalah, dalam koridor kewarganegaraan ini, agama negara itu Islam.
Seorang pemikir Koptik Kristen, Dr. Yusuf Khalel menjelaskan dengan mengatakan;"Kita tidak bisa memungkiri bahwa pengaruh agama Islam sebagai kekuatan penggerak massa hingga hari ini. Sebab Islam bukanlah sekedar agama dan keyakinan saja, akan tetapi hukum yang mencakup semua urusan agama dan dunia. Kekuatan yang menyatukan di Islam tidak datang dari loyalitas kepada keimanan bersama, namun lebih banyak kepada struktur sosial bersama dan satu methode dalam kehidupan yang dipersiapkan oleh Islam.. Bahkan, ia memandang Al-Qur'an sebagai penjaga bahasa Arab karena Al-Qur'an tidak dikhususkan kepada Islam dan kaum muslimin saja, tapi juga warisan Nasrani Arab.
Assalamualaikum wr wb |
Hasan al-Banna and the Ways and Means of Da'wah <http://www.spubs.com/sps/sp.cfm?subsecID=NDV02&articleID=NDV020001&articlePages=1> |