(轉貼) 羅斯福總統1933年就職演講
Henry Hui
1933年3月4日
胡佛總統，首席法官先生，朋友們：
今天，對我們的國家來說，是一個神聖的日子。我肯定，同胞們都期待我在就任總統時，會像我國目前形勢所要求的那樣，坦率而果斷地向他們講話。現在正是
坦白、勇敢地說出實話，說出全部實話的最好時刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，不老老實實面對我國今天的情況。這個偉大的國家會一如既往地堅持下去，它會復興和繁
榮起來。因此，讓我首先表明我的堅定信念：我們唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一種莫名其妙、喪失理智的、毫無根據的恐懼，它把人轉退為進所需的種種
努力化為泡影。凡在我國生活陰雲密布的時刻，坦率而有活力的領導都得到過人民的理解和支持，從而為勝利準備了必不可少的條件。我相信，在目前危急時刻，
大家會再次給予同樣的支持。
我和你們都要以這種精神，來面對我們共同的困難。感謝上帝，這些困難只是物質方面的。價值難以想象地貶縮了；課稅增加了；我們的支付
能力下降了；各級政府面臨著嚴重的收入短缺；交換手段在貿易過程中遭到了凍結；工業企業枯萎的落葉到處可見；農場主的產品找不到銷路；千家萬戶多年的積
蓄付之東流。
更重要的是，大批失業公民正面臨嚴峻的生存問題，還有大批公民正以艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認當前這些陰暗的
現實。
但是，我們的苦惱決不是因為缺乏物資。我們沒有遭到什麼蝗虫的災害。我們的先輩曾以信念和無畏一次次轉危為安，比起他們經歷過的險阻，我們仍大可感到
欣慰。大自然仍在給予我們恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我們見到這種 情景的時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去。這主要是因為主宰
人類物資交換的統治者們失敗了，他們固執己見而又無能為力，因而已經認定失敗了，並撒手不管了。貪得無厭的貨幣兌換商的種種行徑。將受到輿論法庭的起
訴，將受到人類心靈理智的唾棄。
是的，他們是努力過，然而他們用的是一種完全過時的方法。面對信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。沒有了當誘餌引誘 人民追隨他
們的錯誤領導的金錢，他們只得求助於講道，含淚祈求人民重新給予他們信心。他們只知自我追求者們的處世規則。他們沒有眼光，而沒有眼光的人是要滅亡
的。
如今，貨幣兌換商已從我們文明廟宇的高處落荒而逃。我們要以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建的尺度是我們體現比金錢利益更
高尚的社會價值的程度。
幸福並不在於單純地佔有金錢；幸福還在於取得成就後的喜悅，在於創造努力時的激情。務必不能再忘記勞動帶來的喜悅和激勵，而去瘋狂地
追逐那轉瞬即逝的利潤。如果這些暗淡的時日能使我們認識到，我們真正的天命不是要別人侍奉，而是為自己和同胞們服務，那麼，我們付出的代價就完全是值得
的。
認識到把物質財富當作成功的標準是錯誤的，我們就會拋棄以地位尊嚴和個人收益為唯一標準，來衡量公職和高級政治地位的錯誤信念；我
們必須制止銀行界和企業界的一種行為，它常常使神聖的委托混同於無情和自私的不正當行為。難怪信心在減弱，信心，只有靠誠實、信譽、忠心維護和無私履行
職責。而沒有這些，就不可能有信心。
但是，復興不僅僅只要改變倫理觀念。這個國家要求行動起來，現在就行動起來。
我們最大、最基本的任務是讓人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇氣，這個問題就可以解決。這可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象對
待臨戰的緊要關頭一樣，但同時，在有了人手的情況下，我們還急需能刺激並重組巨大自然資源的工程。
我們齊心協力，但必須坦白地承認工業中心的人口失衡，我們必須在全國范圍內重新分配，使土地在最適合的人手中發表揮更大作用。
明確地為提高農產品價值並以此購買城市產品所做的努力，會有助於任務的完成。避免許多小家庭業、農場業被取消贖取抵押品的權利的悲劇也有助於任務的完
成。聯邦、州、各地政府立即行動回應要求降價的呼聲，有助於任務的完成。將現在常常是分散不經濟、不平等的救濟活動統一起來有助於任務的完成。對所有公
共交通運輸，通訊及其他涉及公眾生活的設施作全國性的計劃及監督有助於任務的完成。許多事情都有助於任務完成，但這些決不包括空談。我們必須行動，立即
行動。
最後，為了重新開始工作，我們需要兩手防御，來抗御舊秩序惡魔卷土從來；一定要有嚴格監督銀行業、信貸及投資的機制：一定要杜絕投
機；一定要有充足而健康的貨幣供應。
以上這些，朋友們，就是施政方針。我要在特別會議上敦促新國會給予詳細實施方案，並且，我要向18個州請求立即的援助。
通過行動，我們將予以我們自己一個有秩序的國家大廈，使收入大於支出。我們的國際貿易，雖然很重要，但現在在時間和必要性上，次於對本國健康經濟的建
立。我建議，作為可行的策略、首要事務先行。雖然我將不遺余力通過國際經濟重新協調所來恢復國際貿易，但我認為國內的緊急情況無法等待這重新協調的完
成。
指導這一特別的全國性復蘇的基本思想並非狹隘的國家主義。我首先考慮的是堅持美國這一整體中各部分的相互依賴性--這是對美國式的開
拓精神的古老而永恆的証明的體現。這才是復蘇之路，是即時之路，是保証復蘇功效持久之路。
在國際政策方面，我將使美國採取睦鄰友好的政策。做一個決心自重，因此而尊重鄰國的國家。做一個履行義務，尊重與他國協約的國家。
如果我對人民的心情的了解正確的話，我想我們已認識到了我們從未認識的問題，我們是互相依存的，我們不可以只索取，我們還必須奉獻。
我們前進時，必須象一支訓練有素的忠誠的軍隊，願意為共同的原則而獻身，因為，沒有這些原則，就無法取得進步，領導就不可能得力。我們都已做好準備，並
願意為此原則獻出生命和財產，因為這將使志在建設更美好社會的領導成為可能。我倡議，為了更偉大的目標，我們所有的人，以一致的職責緊緊團結起來。這是
神聖的義務，非戰亂，不停止。
有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔領導偉大人民大軍的任務，致力於對我們普遍問題的強攻。這樣的行動，這樣的目標，在我們從祖先手中接過的政府中是可
行的。我們的憲法如此簡單，實在。它隨時可以應付特殊情況，只需對重點和安排加以修改而不喪失中心思想，正因為如此，我們的憲法體制已自証為是最有適應
性的政治體制。它已應付過巨大的國土擴張、外戰、內亂及國際關系所帶來的壓力。
而我們還希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地擔負前所未有的任務。但現在前所未有的對緊急行動的需要要求國民暫時丟棄平常生活節奏，緊迫起
來。
讓我們正視面前的嚴峻歲月，懷著舉國一致給我們帶來的熱情和勇氣，懷著尋求傳統的、珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，懷著老老少少都能通
過克盡職守而得到的問心無愧的滿足。我們的目標是要保証國民生活的圓滿和長治久安。
我們並不懷疑基本民主制度的未來。合眾國人民並沒有失敗。他們在困難中表達了自己的委托，即要求採取直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領
導的紀律和方向。他們現在選擇了我作為實現他們的願望的工具。我接受這份厚贈。
在此舉國奉獻之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝賜福。願上帝保信我們大家和每一個人，願上帝在未來的日子裡指引我。
英文原文：
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends: This is a day of
national consecration, and I am certain that my fellow Americans
expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them
with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our nation
impels.
This is pre-eminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth,
frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions
in our country today. This great nation will endure as it has endured,
will revive and will prosper.
So first of all let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we
have to fear. . .is fear itself. . . nameless, unreasoning,
unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat
into advance.
In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and
vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people
themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will
again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such
a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They
concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to
fantastic levels: taxes have risen, our ability to pay has fallen,
government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income, the
means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade, the withered
leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side, farmers find no
markets for their produce, the savings of many years in thousands of
families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of
existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a
foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken
by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our
forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we
have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and
human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a
generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's
goods have failed through their own stubbornness and their own
incompetence, have admitted their failures and abdicated. Practices of
the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public
opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern
of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have
proposed only the lending of more money.
Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow
their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading
tearfully for restored conditions. They know only the rules of a
generation of self-seekers.
They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
The money changers have fled their high seats in the temple of our
civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.
The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply
social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money, it lies in the joy
of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.
The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in
the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all
they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be
ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow-men.
Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of
success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief
that public office and high political position are to be values only
by the standards of pride of place and personal profit, and there must
be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has
given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish
wrongdoing.
Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on
honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful
protection, on unselfish performance. Without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This
nation asks for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no
unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.
It can be accompanied in part by direct recruiting by the government
itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war,
but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly
needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our national
resources.
Hand in hand with this, we must frankly recognize the over-balance of
population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national
scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the
land for those best fitted for the land.
The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of
agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output
of our cities.
It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the
growing loss, through foreclosure, of our small homes and our farms.
It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local
governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically
reduced.
It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are
often scattered, uneconomical and unequal. It can be helped by
national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation
and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely
public character.
There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be
helped merely by talking about it. We must act, and act quickly.
Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two
safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order: there must
be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments;
there must be an end to speculation with other people's money, and
there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new
Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment,
and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own
national house in order and making income balance outgo.
Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are, to
point in time and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound
national economy.
I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I
shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic
readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that
accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national
recovery is not narrowly nationalistic.
It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the
interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United
States. . . a recognition of the old and permanently important
manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.
It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the
strongest assurance that the recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy I would dedicate this nation to the
policy of the good neighbor. . .the neighbor who resolutely respects
himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others. . .the
neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his
agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we
have never realized before, our interdependence on each other: that we
cannot merely take, but we must give as well, that if we are to go
forward we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice
for the good of Bø Coine, becaus =Dithout such discipline, no progress
is made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to our lives and property to such
discipline because it makes possibly a leadership which aims at a
larger good.
This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will hind
upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto
evoked only in time of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this
great army of our people, dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our
common problems.
Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of
government which we have inherited from our ancestors.
Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always
to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement
without loss of essential form.
That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most
superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign
wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.
It is to be hoped that the normal balance of utive and legislative
authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before
us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed
action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of
public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures
that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.
But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these
courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still
critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then
confront me.
I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the
crisis. . .broad utive power to wage a war against the emergency as
great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact
invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion
that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of
national unity, with the clear consciousness of seeking old and
precious moral values, with the clean satisfaction that comes from the
stern performance of duty by old and young alike.
We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life.
We do not distrust the future of essential democracy. The people of
the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered
a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.
They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They
have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of
the gift I will take it.
In this dedication of a nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May
He protect each and every one of us! May He guide me in the days to
come!
來源：中國人才網 來源日期：2008-2-3