You do not have permission to delete messages in this group
Copy link
Report message
Show original message
Either email addresses are anonymous for this group or you need the view member email addresses permission to view the original message
to pcfman...@googlegroups.com
MOVE 9 Parole
Hearings in April
--Was Officer Ramp
killed by police gunfire? An interview with Linn Washington
Jr. by Hans Bennett Almost 30 years after their
imprisonment, the eight remaining "MOVE 9" prisoners are now eligible
for parole (see Philadelphia
Inquirer and Metro
articles). April hearings are scheduled for only seven, because Chuck Africa
is eligible six months later than the others. In early April, they will be
interviewed on an individual basis, and ultimately a majority 5/9 vote among
the nine Parole Board Members will be needed for each prisoner's release on
parole.
Following the shooting death
of Philadelphia Police Officer James Ramp during the Aug. 8, 1978 police
siege on MOVE's headquarters in West
Philadelphia , MOVE members Janine, Debbie, Janet, Merle,
Delbert, Mike, Phil, Eddie, and Chuck Africa were convicted of 3rd degree
murder, conspiracy, and multiple counts of attempted murder and aggravated
assault. Each was given a sentence of 30-100 years. The MOVE 9 are widely
considered to be political prisoners. Both the evidence and the fairness of
the MOVE 9 trial have been hotly contested by MOVE and others (READ
MORE).
Following their conviction, the presiding Judge admitted
that he had "absolutely no idea" who had actually shot Officer Ramp, and
explained that since MOVE called itself a family, he sentenced them as such.
In a recent newsletter, MOVE
argues that if they had shot from the basement, the bullet would have been
coming at an "upward" trajectory instead of the "horizontal" and "downward"
accounts that had been presented. This crucial point aside, MOVE also argues
that it would have been essentially impossible to take a clean shot at that
time. The water in the basement, estimated more than 7 feet deep, forced the
adults to hold up children and animals to prevent them from drowning. "The
water pressure was so powerful it was picking up 6 foot long railroad ties
(beams that were part of our fence) and throwing them through the basement
windows in on us. There's no way anybody could have stood up against this
type of water pressure, debris, and shoot a gun, or aim to kill
somebody."
Veteran
Philadelphia journalist Linn Washington Jr.
reported from the scene on August 8, 1978. In this exclusive interview,
Washington cites several sources in the police department who told him that
Officer James Ramp was actually shot by police gunfire, and not MOVE.
A graduate of the Yale Law
Journalism Fellowship Program, Linn Washington Jr. is currently a Professor
of Journalism at
Temple
University and a columnist for the
Philadelphia Tribune Newspaper. He was prominently featured in the recent
documentary on MOVE, made by Cohort Media and narrated by Howard Zinn (Watch
in full or on You
Tube).
Hans Bennett:In the recent documentary on
MOVE, you cite your sources within the police department who told you that
the police know Ramp was killed by police gunfire. Can you say anything more
about this?
Linn
Washington
Jr:I
will confirm that I was told that by my sources in the police department.
However, I have never identified the sources to MOVE, and I will never
identify them to anyone else.
But I will tell you
this.
Officer Ramp was allegedly shot and killed by a bullet that
came from a weapon that fired a .223 caliber round. .223 is the same caliber
used in an M-16. Inside MOVE's house, police claimed that they found four
carbines called Mini-14's, made by Ruger and they fired this .223
round.
The day immediately after the shootout, police were claiming
that not a single officer out there that day carried that particular type of
weapon. About three weeks later, during the pre-trial proceedings, the
police department began to acknowledge the fact that there were police
officers who had the Mini-14s firing the .223 rounds. They first said that
they had just been out there, but not near the scene. Then, subsequent
reports put the officers with those guns closer to the scene, however the
official version was "Yes, they were part of the assault, but no, they never
fired their weapon."
So, if in fact, there were no improprieties, why
the constantly changing stories and why the heavy-handed
cover-up?
There's another thing, and this is where the destruction of
the property precluded a thorough examination, as well as how the trial was
handled by MOVE and when the court-appointed attorneys came in, it really
became a circus.
But let's think about this for a minute. You don't
have to be a ballistician to figure this one out. It's just common sense.
You've got four male MOVE members in the basement allegedly armed, according
to police testimony. A basement by its very nature means it's below ground
level. They're allegedly firing out of windows, and let's understand, this
was not like The Alamo where people are close up at the window and shooting
out. They're away from the windows, hiding behind pillars in the basement.
So, anything they're shooting out of the windows has to be at an upward
trajectory. They would have to shoot up to get out the window.
Ramp
was directly across the street at ground level. So how could something hit
him in what was said to be a downward type angle when MOVE members were
firing upward from that basement?
Okay, maybe the bullet could have
ricocheted a little bit. The apartment building across the street from the
old MOVE compound is a brick building. However, their compound was made of
wood, so the idea that the bullet ricocheted off the brick, back towards
MOVE's house, and then back again to hit Ramp somewhere near ground level,
is highly problematic.
Furthermore, the .223 bullet is actually a
very small, light weight bullet. Since it's a very light bullet it will
likely break up bouncing back and forth off a brick wall. It's not going to
maintain its integrity and be able to ricochet back and forth a couple
times. Unless this was a bullet like the one that Arlen Specter, when he
worked for the Warren Commission, said killed Kennedy. You know, one able to
change directions in the air a couple times? It's questionable to unlikely
that the bullet that killed Ramp came from that basement.
But, it's
hard for anyone to ever know, because police destroyed evidence. Earlier
that year, the Pennsylvania Supreme Court ruled that it's illegal for
authorities to destroy a crime scene before the defense has a chance to
examine it.
Furthermore, a couple days before the Aug. 8, raid, a
Philadelphia
judge signed an order barring the city from destroying the MOVE house. Yet,
the city did it in violation of this order.
And guess what? They were
never called to account for violating that court order. There are copies of
the court order too, so they can't say that it does not exist.
One
of my most vivid memories was of MOVE's house being destroyed around 1:30
that afternoon, just hours after MOVE's arrest. The shoot out had stopped
around 10:30, and the last MOVE person was out around 11:00.
The
police had dumped 250,000 gallons of water into the basement. I know this
because I was hiding behind the pumping truck that they used for the water
cannon when the shooting started. I was talking to the guy as he was pumping
the water in. So I know how much water went into that basement. It was a
darkened basement filled with water and tear gas, and you can not adequately
do an investigation of that within a few hours. Yet police claimed they
conducted a thorough investigation and then they tore the compound
down.
So, the destruction of evidence alone raises serious questions
about the propriety of the evidence used for the charges against
them.
HB:Why do you think they destroyed
it?
LW:I think they tore down the house in part because they
wanted to destroy evidence. Mayor Frank "the racist" Rizzo's administration
and Police Commissioner O'Neill claimed they tore it down because they
didn't want it to become a shrine for MOVE and they felt that they could not
maintain security around the house to prevent MOVE people from occupying it
again.
The patent absurdity of that is shown by this: From the
beginning of March to around the middle of April, 1978, the police enacted a
starvation blockade around the house where they sealed off a whole section
of Powelton
Village , and did not
let anyone in or out. People that lived there had to have special passes
like in South
Africa to get in and out of their homes. So
the notion that police couldn't adequately secure the house is absolutely
absurd.
One point of view is that the destruction of evidence
destroyed any semblance of a fair trial.
You asked about "vivid
memories," and I remember covering one of the early preliminary hearings. It
was held in prison, where they brought in a mini-courtroom and a presiding
judge (who was later fired for corruption). I remember vividly when the
medical examiner came in and gave his testimony based on the autopsy report
related to James Ramp, the officer who was killed.
The medical
examiner testified to one thing, in terms of how the bullet entered the body
and such. Then, when the prosecutor was getting ready to introduce the
medical examiner's report as evidence, he looked at the first couple
paragraphs, and said "Oh, your honor, the medical report here does not
conform with the testimony you just heard, let me correct it right here."
This dude pulled out a pencil and changed the damn report right in the
courtroom, and then introduced it as evidence. Unbelievably, the judge
accepted it!
Once again, this was a very fundamental and egregious
violation of procedures. I left the courtroom and called my boss at the
Philadelphia Journal, where I was working at the time. I was told, "Yeah,
okay, well, we'll talk about it when you get back." I was also covering it
for the United Press International (UPI) news service, so I called them up,
but they told me they weren't interested.
I said, "Wait a minute.
This whole confrontation between the city of
Philadelphia and MOVE, starting from 1972,
has been about double-standards of justice and violations of rules and
procedures. Here you have a clear example of one, and it's not newsworthy?"
UPI answered: "No. It's not newsworthy, Linn. If you find something else
out, give me a call back."
HB:So, did anybody use your story?
LW:No!
Nobody used it because they didn't think it
was important. This is a separate argument from whether MOVE is right or
wrong, but when you look at the media coverage of MOVE, everything that was
perceived as MOVE doing something wrong, was publicized. In contrast, the
attacks on MOVE, the injustices, and the deprivations that they endured
never found any coverage in the mainstream media. I know it was covered in
the Tribune because I was covering for them. It was also on black radio
stations because there were black reporters that believed that you should be
fair and balanced, and we were criticized for it, Mumia being one of them.
This was just because we felt that there were two sides to the story. We
weren't taking MOVE's side, but we felt they had a legitimate side that
needed to be accurately presented.
If they're getting beaten up, the
women getting kicked in the vagina and having miscarried babies, that should
be a news story.
February of 1978, there were MOVE members being held
in the
Philadelphia prisons. The guards jumped on
these guys and beat them horribly and then turned around and charged them
with assault on the prison guards.
Now, MOVE would normally say, "No,
we don't participate in any kind of cooperation with the system, because we
know the system is corrupt." But, in this particular instance, they said
"We'll cooperate just to show that even if we do cooperate, it won't mean
anything." So they cooperated with the DA's office (then headed by Ed
Rendell), and after a lengthy investigation, the DA concluded that the
victims had indeed been MOVE, who had been attacked by the
guards.
So, that meant that the prison guards should have been
charged with assault and other crimes. However, Rendell's office concluded
that the appropriate action was not to take any action against the guards,
but rather to simply drop the false charges against the MOVE
members.
Now, filing a false police report is a crime, as well as
lying about something in the report. There are many crimes short of assault
(that had been proven in the investigation) that could have been brought
against them, but they didn't do anything.
And, you know what? Little
of this that I just told you about that confrontation at the prison ever got
into the news media.
HB:Do you think the MOVE 9 should be granted parole
in 2008?
LW:Parole is supposedly based on adjustment to prison. From
what I understand, there have been few infractions, if any at all. So, the
short answer is yes.
They've served 30 years in jail for a
third-degree murder conviction. The average sentence for third-degree murder
is 10-15 years, so they've already served twice that. So, yes, they should
be released.
Will that happen? I don't think so.
The Parole
Board has a couple of arguably illegal standards in place. One of them says
you have to accept responsibility for your crime. But, if you've maintained
your innocence the whole time you're in there, how can you say "Okay, I did
it?"
This next standard is clearly illegal. It will demand that for
MOVE members to be released without serving their full sentence, they will
have to renounce membership in MOVE. This is something that would easily
happen in China ,
North Korea , or
Russia , saying "You have to
denounce these un-communist feelings that you have." But in
America , we're not supposed to do
that. But we do that in
Pennsylvania with MOVE members, and nobody
says that it's a problem.
Once again, this is another example of what
I was saying at the beginning of our conversation, that there is a big gap
between what
America says it is and what it
actually does.
--Hans Bennett is an
independent journalist based in
Philadelphia (insubordination.blogspot.com)
and co-founder of Journalists for Mumia
(Abu-Jamal-News.com).