Injustice Tome 5 En Janvier !
Joseph Gladyshev
This mechanism for financing joint projects between African and European or North American universities poses a range of challenges. More often than not, these relationships are not a true partnerships of equals. Instead, they build on and sustain material inequalities in terms of resource allocation, employment stability and research benefits, as well as inequalities around authorship and voice. They are often predicated upon enduring (albeit subtle) colonial rationalities and can perpetuate longstanding knowledge hierarchies. Their disproportionate influence in international and policy circles as compared to other forms of research also raises questions about the role of these partnerships in perpetuating what Himani Bhakuni and Seye Abimbola have called epistemic injustice.
Janvier Koko Kirusha (janvi...@gmail.com) is a researcher at the Centre de Recherche en Sciences Humaines (C.RE.S.H) RDC, and works on geopolitical and geostrategic issues in the Great Lakes Region.
2019 was also the first year that a refugee took on the role of Co-Chair: Mohammed Hassan Mohamud fled conflict in Somalia and has spent 20 years in a refugee camp in Kenya, galvanising action to end such injustice.
- social justice : settling the economic, political and social injustices that may have created the conflict and defining the basis of a just, stable society (reparations, financial or symbolic, affirmative action programs, gendered approaches, development, etc).
The notion of gaining compensation for those who suffered injustice in the past does seem uncontroversial at first glance. But, philosophically, one could argue that reparations are strangely apolitical, and reflect a dangerous juridification of politics. As Jurgen Habermas notes, we have entered a postpolitical world, one in which the multinational corporation becomes the model for all conducts (Habermas, 1998: 125). Antoine Garapon considers that demands for reparations are an extension of this wider movement of juridification of history at the expense of the political. Indeed, the main instrument of reparation claims is not criminal but civil law. The aim is no longer the criminalization of history but the civilization of the world, in the double sense of putting an end to barbarism and promoting civil rights (Garapon, 2008: 22). The public relations that are the cornerstone of trials or restorative procedures are thereby replaced by private law, and can be understood through the paradigm of contract and civil liability, as relations of debts only: History is now perceived in strictly individual terms (Garapon, 2008: 62), and political relations are being de-politicized.
TRCs have therefore been criticized for the paucity of their concrete effects (Chapman and Van der Merwe, 2008). More than ten years on, South Africa is not the rainbow nation that the designers of the TRC wished for. Black people are still economically marginalized. Indeed, while 61% of Black South Africans live in poverty today, only 1% of Whites do (May, 1998). According to the UNDP, Whites in South Africa have the living quality of Spain, and Blacks of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The South African TRC has been blamed for that failure, for having focused too much on gross human rights abuses rather than on the suffering experienced daily by Blacks, and the benefits enjoyed by Whites as a result of those systemic structural injustices (Mamdani, 1996: 3). The Whites, as beneficiaries, were never made accountable.
TERREBLANCHE, Sampie, Dealing with systematic economic injustice in VILLA-VICENCIO, C., and VERWOERD, W., (eds.), 2000, Looking Back, Reaching Forward: Reflections on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa , London: Zone Books, pp. 265-276
Margareta Matache and Jacqueline Bhabha, The Roma Case for Reparations, in Jacqueline Bhabha, Margareta Matache, Caroline Elkins, Walter Johnson, eds, Time for reparation? Addressing state responsibility for collective injustice, University of Pennsylvania Press, forthcoming 2020.
Connie Rice, a leading civil rights leader who co-founded the Advancement Project in Los Angeles, told The News Journal on Thursday that poor communities will continue to experience injustice at the hands of the police until their mindset changes.
She and the other colleagues of the ÇHD were visited in Silivri high security prison (near Istanbul) with an International Delegation of lawyers. We spoke with her about her determination to continue denouncing all forms of injustice.
Under the French Third Republic, anarchists and socialists often invoked Voltaire's writings in their struggles against militarism, nationalism, and the Catholic Church.[217] The section condemning the futility and imbecility of war in the Dictionnaire philosophique was a frequent favorite, as were his arguments that nations can only grow at the expense of others.[218] Following the liberation of France from the Vichy regime in 1944, Voltaire's 250th birthday was celebrated in both France and the Soviet Union, honoring him as "one of the most feared opponents" of the Nazi collaborators and someone "whose name symbolizes freedom of thought, and hatred of prejudice, superstition, and injustice."[219]
He is remembered and honored in France as a courageous polemicist who indefatigably fought for civil rights (such as the right to a fair trial and freedom of religion) and who denounced the hypocrisies and injustices of the Ancien Régime. The Ancien Régime involved an unfair balance of power and taxes between the three Estates: clergy and nobles on one side, the commoners and middle class, who were burdened with most of the taxes, on the other. He particularly had admiration for the ethics and government as exemplified by the Chinese philosopher Confucius.[235]
Attempting to superimpose 1957 values on 1990 Rwandan society, Kangura denounced the so-called Tutsi hegemony and the perceived injustice toward the Hutu, the majority people. First, it insisted that the Hutu remember the revolution of 1959 and the conditions under which democracy could continue.
It cannot be said that realist foreign policy theorists have given sustained attention to the issue of media and foreign affairs. The critique is more oblique. What is said, however, has roots in a core philosophical component of realist belief: foreign policy conducted properly keeps a cold eye on the rational pursuit of interests clearly understood. Anything else, including sentimentality, is regarded, at best, as distraction. Media content is heavily laden with emotional freight concerning distant injustices and brewing evil. In populating the news with victims of one sort or another, calculations of national interest are supplanted by mere sentimentality. This is the core principle at the heart of the realist critique of the media and foreign policymaking.
The root causes? A financial system prioritising profits over life, a media failing to inform the public and hold power to account, and a reckless government entrenched in corruption and suppressing the right to protest injustice.
The modern leveler, after having done away with conventional inequalities, with arbitrary privilege and historical injustice, goes still farther, and rebels against the inequalities of merit, capacity, and virtue. Beginning with a just principle, he develops it into an unjust one. Inequality may be as true and as just as equality: it depends upon what you mean by it. But this is precisely what nobody cares to find out. All passions dread the light, and the modern zeal for equality is a disguised hatred which tries to pass itself off as love.
In these we have a protest against nature, which is thus declared immoral and scandalous to the moral sense. Man believes in good, and that he may ground himself on justice he maintains that the injustice all around him is but an appearance, a mystery, a cheat, and that justice will be done. Fiat justitia, pereal mundus!
It is by no means necessary that the universe should exist, but it is necessary that justice should be done, and atheism is bound to explain the fixed obstinacy of conscience on this point. Nature is not just; we are the products of nature: why are we always claiming and prophesying justice? why does the effect rise up against its cause? It is a singular phenomenon. Does the protest come from any puerile blindness of human vanity? No, it is the deepest cry of our being, and it is for the honor of God that the cry is uttered. Heaven and earth may pass away, but good ought to be, and injustice ought not to be. Such is the creed of the human race. Nature will be conquered by spirit; the eternal will triumph over time.
Catastrophes bring about a violent restoration of equilibrium; they put the world brutally to rights. Evil chastises itself, and the tendency to ruin in human things supplies the place of the regulator who has not yet been discovered. No civilization can bear more than a certain proportion of abuses, injustice, corruption, shame, and crime. When this proportion has been reached, the boiler bursts, the palace falls, the scaffolding breaks down; institutions, cities, states, empires, sink into ruin. The evil contained in an organism is a virus which preys upon it, and if it is not eliminated ends by destroying it. And as nothing is perfect, nothing can escape death.
The 2019 health crisis emerged in an environment of injustice and inequality in all parts of the world. It has shown once again the severity of inequalities within most countries, especially those in the South. Most education institutions around the world are under enormous pressure to ensure continuity of educational plans by applying new technologies, which has posed a huge problem of fairness in access to technology and the availability of technological infrastructure in some countries, such as Morocco. This research tries to analyse the complex relationship between social justice and educational system, especially E-learning and blended education. The overarching question posed is how the educational system should change and be aligned with social justice in order to reduce inequality, discrimination and injustice. Whereas this is an ideal and challenging goal, which must be the target of all countries, especially the 21st century has begun with large social inequality and regional disparity. The methodology adopted was a mixed approach. We present a theoretical analysis of the relationship between social justice and education, as well as a quantitative analysis of data collected in a study conducted in the Béni Mellal-Khénifra region of Morocco using a questionnaire administered to 133 families. The main conclusion of this study is that policymakers must put in place the means to reduce digital inequalities before the situation worse in the future, namely (i) provide digital facilities to every student, regardless of their socio-economic status; (ii) ensure a fundamental digital right by offering equal and fair access to digital technology, and (iii) encourage industrialisation and digitalisation of the economic system.
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