𝗗𝗲𝘂𝘁𝘀𝗰𝗵𝗲 𝗪𝗲𝗹𝗹𝗲 𝗧ü𝗿𝗸ç𝗲 (𝟭𝟰 𝗔ğ𝘂𝘀𝘁𝗼𝘀 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱): "Berlin'de Kürt-Yahudi Kongresi düzenleniyor" + 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗺𝗲𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝗜𝘀𝗿𝗮𝗲𝗹 (𝟮𝟵 𝗔𝘂𝗴𝘂𝘀𝘁 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱): "First Kurdish-Jewish Congress in Germany Promotes Unity against Hate and Racism." + 🔴 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗧𝗶𝗺𝗲𝘀 𝗼𝗳 𝗜𝘀𝗿𝗮𝗲𝗹 (𝟯𝟭 𝗔𝘂𝗴𝘂𝘀𝘁 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱): "The David Corridor and Kurdistan’s Future"
EMI P
Berlin'de Kürt-Yahudi Kongresi düzenleniyor
14.08.2025Berlin, Eylül ayında bir Kürt-Yahudi Kongresi'ne ev sahipliği yapacak. Kongrede, Türkiye, İran ve Arap ülkelerindeki Kürt ve Yahudi düşmanlığına karşı birlik olma yönünde adımlar atılmasının hedeflendiği bildirildi.
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First Kurdish-Jewish Congress in Germany Promotes Unity against Hate and Racism.
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The first-ever Kurdish-Jewish Congress in history is being held in Germany to push for cooperation against antisemitism and anti-Kurdish hostility in Germany, Europe, the Middle East, and beyond!
The dramatic rise in antisemitism and anti-Kurdish racism — particularly following the brutal assaults led by ISIS in 2014 against the Kurds and Yezidis in Iraq and Syria, as well as the Hamas-led attacks on October 7, 2023 — has transcended the borders of the Middle East. It has seeped into the everyday lives of Jewish and Kurdish diasporas across Europe, particularly in Germany, where both communities have integrated into German society and contributed to its democracy. This surge in hostility has prompted urgent and significant forms of Kurdish-Jewish solidarity.
Jews and Kurds, two indigenous peoples of the Middle East, have long histories marked by displacement, persecution, and resilience. For decades, they have faced hostile rhetoric, discriminatory policies, and physical violence emanating from and perpetrated by authoritarian regimes such as those in Ankara, Tehran, and Damascus—regimes that deny their fundamental rights to peace and self-determination. Reverberations of these threats are also felt by both communities in their European diasporas — including Germany, which is home to approximately 1.8 million Kurds and around 130,000 Jews. We observe these threats through antisemitic and anti-Kurdish slogans, which are increasingly prominent in public demonstrations, social media, and occasionally violent attacks. What is especially alarming is that many of these hostilities emanate not only from far-right extremists but also from segments of diaspora communities—often immigrants from Syria and Turkey—who carry sectarian ideologies from their home countries with them into Europe.
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Against this backdrop, two prominent civil society organizations in Germany—the Kurdische Gemeinde Deutschland (KGD) and the WerteInitiative Jüdisch-Deutsche Positionen—have begun organizing the first-ever Kurdish-Jewish Congress. Scheduled for 7 September 2025, this landmark event will bring together a diverse group of Kurdish and Jewish academics, artists, activists, policymakers, and community leaders to address common challenges and explore shared strategies. Among the keynote speakers will be Christoph de Vries, the Parliamentary State Secretary to the Federal Minister of the Interior, alongside several members of the Bundestag and representatives from various Jewish, Kurdish, and German institutions. Members of both the Kurdish and Jewish communities have welcomed this initiative and, from both within and outside Germany, registered in numbers that exceed the current capacity of the venue, thus generating a lengthy waiting list. This overwhelming response highlights the desire for connection, unity, and collaboration. In a predictable response, Turkish media outlets have already started to designate the organizers of the congress as the enemies of Turkey, calling on the Turkish government to closely follow it.
The objective of the first Kurdish-Jewish congress is multifaceted. It seeks not only to provide a platform for dialogue but also to forge a lasting alliance rooted in shared values, histories, and political aspirations. The congress is also intended to address the alarming normalization of antisemitism and anti-Kurdish racism, as well as the proliferation of Islamist and ultra-nationalist ideologies—particularly those exported from Turkey, Iraq, Iran, and Syria. Furthermore, it will bring attention to the need for solidarity between two communities that have frequently been the targets of systematic attacks.
The roots of Kurdish-Jewish solidarity extend far beyond shared suffering, tracing back nearly 2,800 years. Following the deportation of the Jewish population from Israel by the Assyrian Empire around 800 BCE, Jews and Kurds have coexisted across various regions of the Middle East, particularly in Kurdistan. Numerous historical documents, oral histories, and cultural artifacts attest to peaceful coexistence and mutual respect between the two peoples. Jews who lived in Kurdish regions prior to the mid-20th century frequently reflected on the tolerance and warmth of their Kurdish neighbors—memories that continue to resonate with the narratives of Kurdish Jews in Israel today. Both communities have faced repeated pogroms and genocides—whether during Ottoman rule, under Ba’athist regimes, or through Islamist terrorism. Their histories bear the scars of mass displacements, the destruction of cultural heritage, and the persistent threat of annihilation. Nevertheless, these experiences have also cultivated a profound sense of identity, resilience, and a moral clarity that demands a stand against persecution in all its forms.
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Today, these threats remain ever-present and have evolved into a network of coordinated assaults—ideological, military, and digital—perpetrated by regimes and extremist groups that regard both Jews and Kurds as existential enemies. Radical Sunni Islamist groups, including ISIS, Al-Qaeda affiliates, and Hamas, have explicitly targeted Jews and Kurds with genocidal intentions. ISIS’s campaign against the Yazidi Kurds in Sinjar, which began in 2013, resulted in mass killings and the abduction of over 3,000 Yazidi women and girls, many of whom were sold into sexual slavery. Similarly, Hamas’s attack on Israel in October 2023, which led to the murder of more than 1,250 civilians and the hostage-taking of hundreds, was executed with a genocidal fervor. These acts of brutality are not isolated, but part of a broader Islamist ideology that seeks to eradicate religious and ethnic minorities from the region. Behind these terror groups are state sponsors. Ankara and Damascus have played key roles in funding, training, and deploying jihadist militias for political ends. It is widely known that Turkey supports factions within the Free Syrian Army, many of which have committed documented atrocities against Kurds, Alawites, and other minorities. In March 2025, the Al-Jolani regime in Damascus—emboldened by years of sectarian conflict—launched ethnic cleansing campaigns targeting the Alawite and Druze communities. Thousands of civilians were intentionally killed, often at the hands of jihadists reportedly trained by Turkey and transported across the border using Turkish military vehicles.
Turkish President Erdoğan, along with senior officials such as Hakan Fidan and Numan Kurtulmuş, frequently adopt antisemitic and anti-Kurdish rhetoric in public discourse. These statements, often disguised in nationalist or pan-Islamic language, equate Kurdish claims with those of the Zionist project, establishing an ideological basis for violence. Erdoğan’s government has actively sought normalization with Hamas while concurrently targeting Kurdish groups in Syria under the guise of national security. These policies not only destabilize the region but also extend into Europe, where similar rhetoric resonates among supporters of these regimes within immigrant communities. In Germany, alarming reports have surfaced of Syrian and Turkish immigrants shouting slogans glorifying violence against Kurds, Druze, and Jews during demonstrations. What is particularly concerning is that many of these individuals had themselves fled from authoritarian violence, only to embrace and replicate the sectarian ideologies of their former homelands. This dynamic presents a serious challenge for German society and its commitment to pluralism, tolerance, and democratic values.
The Kurdish-Jewish Congress is more than a symbolic gathering—it represents a practical and strategic step toward building a lasting alliance against these threats. The organizers view this congress as the start of a broader movement designed to unite Kurdish and Jewish communities not only in Germany but throughout Europe and North America — not to speak of the Middle East. By fostering networks of solidarity, advocacy, and cultural exchange, they aspire to confront rising extremism and shape public discourse and policy. The Kurdish and Jewish diasporas are well-positioned to become powerful allies. Significant intersections exist in their histories, and collaborative pursuit of their respective futures could serve as a model for cross-cultural cooperation in an increasingly fractured world. While the Congress in Berlin may be the first of its kind, it should not be the last. Thus, the organizers may view their historical congress as an opportunity and decide to establish joint delegations to visit political and civil society institutions in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, the Kurdish region in Syria (Rojava), and the State of Israel. These delegations could aim to amplify civil society voices, highlight grassroots initiatives focused on peace, and encourage both Kurdish and Israeli policymakers to take a firmer stance against antisemitic and anti-Kurdish hostilities, while encouraging them to materialize the positive sentiments shared by both peoples to cement an alliance in the Middle East and beyond.
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The David Corridor and Kurdistan’s Future
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Leader, Kurdistan Independence Movement
More than a century has passed since the Sykes–Picot and Lausanne agreements, yet the wound of “statelessness” remains fresh on nations such as the Kurds, Baloch, Azeris, Ahwazi Arabs, Turkmens, and Druze. The paper borders drawn by colonial powers in the early twentieth century not only prevented the formation of real nation-states but also planted the seeds of perpetual tension in this region. Today, as many of the states in the region have become worn out and dysfunctional, the idea of “geopolitical corridors” instead of rigid borders has become the axis of governability and development. At the center of this transformation shines a simple truth: as long as Kurdistan remains within the occupation of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, the cycle of violence, discrimination, and instability will continue. The independence of all four occupied parts of Kurdistan is a prerequisite for peace and order in the new Middle East.
What is the David Corridor and why is it vital for structural peace?
The “David Corridor” is a strategic project that begins in the Golan Heights, passes through eastern Syria and the areas of Rojava Kurdistan (“Kurdistan under Syrian occupation”), reaches Kurdistan under Iraqi occupation, and then connects to the Mediterranean. This route can build a new bridge between Israel, Kurdistan, and the West—a bridge with simultaneous economic, security, and political capacities. For Israel, this corridor provides strategic depth and access to new routes of energy and trade. For the Kurdish nation, it is a historic opportunity to exit the status of “transit land” and become a “geopolitical knot”—an actor with decision-making and regulatory power, not merely a space that others pass through. For Europe and the Western world, the meaning of this corridor is diversification of energy and reduction of dependence on routes under the influence of Iran and Turkey.
In the past two decades, many corridor projects have been proposed in the region: from Zangezur between Azerbaijan and Turkey to the North–South corridors of Iran and Russia. But none has given a meaningful answer to the needs of stateless nations. From this perspective, the “David Corridor” is unique because it simultaneously combines the interests of Israel, Kurdistan, and oppressed minorities—including the Druze—and moves from the level of political slogans toward institutional, economic, and security architecture.
Kurdistan’s independence: the key to unlocking lasting peace
The core argument is clear: as long as the Kurdish nation is divided and oppressed in four occupying countries, the region’s security structure will remain built on quicksand. The independence of all four occupied parts of Kurdistan is not merely a national demand but a structural solution to reduce proxy wars, contain extremism, and end the zero-sum border games. Such independence provides other occupied nations with a model of legal and political liberation, and for Israel and its Western allies, it creates a belt of stability and cooperation stretching from the Golan to the Mediterranean.
The David Corridor as an engine of state-building and development
At the economic level, the David Corridor facilitates the connection of oil and gas resources from present-day eastern Syria and the Bashur (Southern) Kurdistan region to Mediterranean ports—initially through staged land and sea transport, and in the mid-term by evaluating harder infrastructure. This connection strengthens transparent revenues, taxation capacity, and regulatory power for Kurdish institutions and brings the criteria of statehood—sustainable population, defined territory, effective governance, and foreign relations—one step closer to reality. The clear message of the 2017 referendum in Bashur Kurdistan—with its decisive vote for independence—was that the political will exists; what is needed is institutional, legal, and economic support to transform this will into sustainable structures.
Shared Kurdish–Jewish–Druze interests and ending the logic of marginalization
One of the strategic advantages of this project is turning historic Kurdish–Jewish–Druze alliances into real mechanisms of participation: from layered route security and digital customs to joint committees for social and human rights oversight. When border communities themselves are stakeholders with a clear share of benefits, security arises not from “hard external presence” but from social legitimacy and economic transparency. This marks the decisive break from the failed models of the past, which saw local people of transit routes merely as “obstacles,” not as “owners and partners.”
Addressing challenges: from opposition of central governments to transparency regimes
It is obvious that Iran, Turkey, Iraq, and Syria will oppose any arrangement that strengthens Kurdish independence. But experience shows that through phased design, legal transparency of contracts, joint escrow accounts, pre-agreed arbitration, and the presence of international observers, the cost of sabotage can be raised and the incentives for cooperation increased. Most importantly, the “principle of host sovereignty” in each segment of the route—together with “limited operational immunity” solely for infrastructure and transit—can reduce legal pretexts for confrontation while paving the path for Kurdistan’s independence in practice.
Why is peace impossible without the independence of all four parts of Kurdistan?
The chronic instability of the Middle East is the product of suppressing the rights of historic nations and instrumentalizing them in proxy wars. A divided Kurdistan, instead of enjoying the right to self-determination, has become the arena of security competition among regional powers. The result is clear: recurring waves of repression, displacement, extremism, and human capital flight. Only by recognizing and realizing the independence of all four occupied parts of Kurdistan can this cycle be broken; because in that case, the “irresponsibility of central states” is replaced by “accountability of a sovereign actor” that answers both to its own society and the international community.
Synergy with Europe’s energy security and Eastern Mediterranean stability
At a broader level, the David Corridor can mitigate two parallel crises: Europe’s fragile dependence on limited corridors and high-risk actors, and the lack of coordination between Eastern Mediterranean gas capacities and the real needs of the market. Stepwise connection to Mediterranean ports and synergy with regional export projects reduces geopolitical pressure on routes under Tehran and Ankara’s influence and helps stabilize prices and supply. This is precisely the point where the interests of Israel, Kurdistan, and Europe align.
Proposed governance architecture for measurable peace
For the David Corridor to become a platform for Kurdistan’s independence and not a “permanent line of contact,” transparent governance architecture is needed: a Corridor Steering Organization with seats for Kurdish, Arab, and Druze representatives from the route, the hosts (Kurdistan, Israel, transitional Iraq/Syria), and international observers (such as the European Union or development banks). Binding human rights annexes, public complaint mechanisms, environmental standards, and public disclosure of contracts regenerate trust and increase the cost of corruption and political blackmail. Corridor security must be “smart, layered, and low-friction”: safe transit, digital customs, logistic tracking, and minimal hard presence.
Conclusion: the path passes through independence
The future Middle East will not be governed by the imposed borders of the twentieth century but by corridors that tie together the real interests of nations. But no corridor—from David to any other plan—will lead to structural peace without the independence of Kurdistan and the recognition of the rights of occupied nations. If Kurdistan is not freed from the occupation of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, the region will continue to revolve around proxy wars, systemic discrimination, and extremism. Conversely, the independence of all four occupied parts of Kurdistan, backed by the David Corridor, can stabilize the balance of power, strengthen Europe’s energy security, turn Kurdish–Jewish–Druze partnerships from slogans into mechanisms, and transform the hope for peace and prosperity from an idea into a program.
This is not merely an infrastructural project but a roadmap for liberation and order: linking Kurdistan’s independence with Israel’s security, the welfare of occupied nations, and the stability of the Middle East. Without it, the future is nothing but a repetition of the past; with it, a real window opens toward coexistence, accountability, and development.