𝗠𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗹𝗲 𝗘𝗮𝘀𝘁 𝗘𝘆𝗲 (UK) 𝟭𝟲 𝗦𝗲𝗽𝘁𝗲𝗺𝗯𝗲𝗿 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱: "'More dangerous than S-300s': Israeli air defence in Cyprus extends intel reach over Turkey" + 𝗠𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗹𝗲 𝗘𝗮𝘀𝘁 𝗘𝘆𝗲 (UK) 𝟮𝟰 𝗦𝗲𝗽𝘁𝗲𝗺𝗯𝗲𝗿 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱: "Turkey may drop US F-16 purchase in favour of acquiring jet engines" + 𝗠𝗶𝗱𝗱𝗹𝗲 𝗘𝗮𝘀𝘁 𝗘𝘆𝗲 (UK) 𝟮𝟮 𝗦𝗲𝗽𝘁𝗲𝗺𝗯𝗲𝗿 𝟮𝟬𝟮𝟱: "Exclusive: Turkey to train Niger army in fight against militant groups"
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'More dangerous than S-300s': Israeli air defence in Cyprus extends intel reach over Turkey
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Israel delivered advanced air defence systems to Cyprus last week, marking the third shipment since December amid rising tensions with Turkey, sources familiar with the matter told Middle East Eye.
A video published on Thursday showed a truck passing through the port of Limassol transporting components of the Barak MX system, an aerial interceptor capable of striking threats up to 150km away.
The Cypriot news site Reporter confirmed that the Barak MX system has now been fully delivered and is expected to become operational this year.
The delivery comes after Shay Gal, a former vice president of external relations at Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI), which manufactures the Barak MX, argued in a July article that Israel should reconsider its approach toward Cyprus and devise military plans to “liberate” the island's north from Turkish forces.
“Israel, in coordination with Greece and Cyprus, must prepare a contingency operation for liberating the island’s north,” Gal wrote.
“Such an operation would neutralise Turkish reinforcement capabilities from the mainland, eliminate air-defence systems in northern Cyprus, destroy intelligence and command centres, and ultimately remove Turkish forces, restoring internationally recognised Cypriot sovereignty.”
Turkey invaded Cyprus in 1974 after a failed coup aimed at uniting the island with Greece. Since then, Cyprus has remained divided between the internationally recognised Republic of Cyprus in the south and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, recognised only by Ankara.
So far, Ankara has remained silent about the newly deployed systems, which carry advanced surveillance and intelligence-gathering functions through their 3D radar. With a range of up to 460km, the system provides a “digital umbrella” that covers a significant part of southern Turkey’s airspace.
Turkey and southern Cyprus nearly came to war in 1997 after the latter attempted to acquire two Russian-made S-300 air defence missile systems, triggering threats of an all-out military response from Ankara.
The crisis ended when Greece accepted the S-300s on its territory, while Cyprus sought alternative systems.
“This is a system far more dangerous than the S-300, which [southern Cyprus] ordered from Russia in 1997 but never deployed,” said Arda Mevlutoglu, a prominent Turkish defence analyst.
“Given the current state of military ties between Israel and the Greek Cypriot administration, this powerful air defence system and radar will undoubtedly become a central element of Israel’s intelligence network in the eastern Mediterranean.”
According to Mevlutoglu, the Barak MX poses a significant threat to Turkish air and ground forces both in Cyprus and across the wider eastern Mediterranean, as its radar is also capable of detecting artillery, mortar and rocket battery fire within 100km.
However, Reporter quoted a source suggesting that the Cypriot version of the Barak MX might not include all of its advertised features, since the system is customised for each client nation.
Yanki Bagcioglu, a retired rear admiral and deputy chairman of the Turkish opposition CHP party, called the system’s deployment a violation of international law.
“This step will destabilise the fragile balance in the eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus, while directly threatening Turkey’s national security,” he said.
Cypriot Defence Minister Vasilis Palmas defended the acquisition on Tuesday, arguing that his government has an obligation to develop credible deterrence capabilities as “Turkey continues to occupy” the island.
Asked whether the Barak MX purchase was part of a defence framework with Israel, Palmas stressed that Cyprus’s decisions on armaments are a sovereign matter.
“Any confrontation between Israel and Turkey does not concern us, except in the sense that we follow the geopolitical developments in our region. Our primary duty is to protect ourselves,” he said.
Turkish security sources told Turkish media that the systems are currently undergoing tests at Paphos air base and have not yet been placed into active service. They added that subsequent Israeli shipments are being closely monitored.
Turkey may drop US F-16 purchase in favour of acquiring jet engines
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Turkey may ask the United States to modify a multibillion dollar arms deal to acquire jet engines instead of F-16 warplanes and missiles, sources familiar with the issue told Middle East Eye.
Last year, Ankara scaled back its initial F-16 procurement plan, opting out of 79 modernisation kits and instead committing to purchase 40 F-16 Vipers with associated ammunition. This reduced the total value of the deal from $23bn to $7bn.
Now, some senior officials are pushing for further changes, scrapping the planned F-16 purchase and parts of the ammunition package entirely.
Instead, Turkey would prioritise investment in its domestically produced fifth-generation fighter jet, the Kaan, using the deal to obtain engines for the aircraft and prepare for a possible return to the US-led F-35 programme.
The issue is expected to come up during President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s visit to Washington on Thursday. It isn't clear whether Ankara will make the offer during the Oval Office meeting with US President Donald Trump.
However, some officials continue to argue that Turkey must immediately move ahead with purchasing the 40 F-16 Vipers to bolster its aging fleet.
Since the US government approved the original deal in early 2024, Turkey’s defence and security leadership has been divided over how best to replace the country’s aging F-16s.
Ankara’s exclusion from the F-35 program in 2019, following its acquisition of Russian-made S-400 air defence systems, has left officials grappling with the prospect of an acute fighter jet shortage in the years ahead.
While the Turkish air force has expressed a willingness to procure any available aircraft, including F-16s, Eurofighters or F-35s, Turkey’s top defence procurement body and key domestic producers maintain that Ankara must be more selective.
Proponents of this view favour modernising Turkey’s existing F-16 fleet with rapidly advancing local technologies, avoiding what they see as costly “stopgap” solutions until the Kaan enters service.
A Turkish consortium aims to deliver the first Kaan jets by late 2028, though many analysts believe deliveries may slip closer to 2030.
“Instead of spending billions on F-16s, some in Ankara argue that the funds could be redirected to purchase F-16 engines, which are compatible with the Kaan,” one source familiar with the debate said.
The first Kaan aircraft will be powered by General Electric’s F110 engines, the same used in F-16s, though Turkey ultimately plans to develop a domestic engine model for deliveries in the 2030s.
Some officials are also wary of restrictions that could come with US-supplied F-16s, as Washington could potentially bar Ankara from integrating its own domestically produced payloads.
In recent years, Turkey has excelled in developing indigenous weapon systems, ranging from cruise missiles to guided munitions, that can be paired with fighter jets.
Defence Minister Yasar Guler confirmed last November that Ankara has already made a $1.4bn down payment toward the F-16s.
However, other officials argue that Turkey should prioritise rejoining the F-35 programme, which could immediately boost its fighter jet capability.
Unlike F-16s or Eurofighters, which face years-long production backlogs, six F-35s originally built for Turkey remain in storage and could be transferred quickly if Ankara is readmitted. Guler has also said that Turkey ultimately aims to acquire 40 F-35s.
But Turkey’s shifting demands for amendments to the F-16 deal have raised concerns within the US administration.
A Washington-based source told MEE that the Pentagon has insisted it will not reopen discussions on the F-35 until the F-16 agreement is finalised. The source said that it was unlikely that the US would accept selling jet engines instead of F-16s as it was a sealed deal.
Turkey's potential return to the F-35 programme is also strategically significant in the context of the balance of power in the eastern Mediterranean.
Greece is set to receive its first F-35s in 2028, while Turkey’s aging F-16 fleet continues to present operational challenges.
However, regional actors, chiefly Israel, but also Greece, are lobbying Washington to block the sale. Israel has long maintained a de facto veto over US arms sales to Middle Eastern countries to preserve its qualitative military edge.
Exclusive: Turkey to train Niger army in fight against militant groups
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Turkey will soon deploy troops to help train Niger's military to counter militant groups as Ankara increasingly turns its focus to Africa, Middle East Eye understands.
Sources familiar with the matter told MEE that Turkey has been pursuing a closer security partnership with Niger since 2020, when the countries signed a military training and cooperation agreement.
In July 2023, Niger's military ousted the civilian government, promising to address terrorism and other security issues.
By cancelling security deals with western partners, the junta signalled its search for new alliances such as Turkey and Russia.
In July, Turkey and Niger also signed a military financial cooperation agreement, further solidifying their commitment to work together in defence.
A source familiar with Ankara’s thinking told MEE that recent developments in Syria and Iraq have made it easier for Turkey to redeploy some forces to Africa. Since May, Ankara’s new outreach to Kurdish groups has created an uneasy calm in both countries.
According to the source, a small number of Turkish commandos and special forces who in the past served and gained experience in Syria and Iraq will be deployed to Niger, where they will assist the army with training as part of the fight against the Islamic State and al-Qaeda.
Two people familiar with the matter said that at least four battalions will provide training and advisory support in Niger, though Turkish forces will not directly participate in combat.
The deployment does not require Turkish parliamentary approval, since the troops will be present in a limited “visiting” capacity and will not establish bases or secure territory.
In May, Niger unilaterally terminated an intelligence-sharing agreement with both Turkey and Russia, citing “ineffectiveness in surveillance operations, particularly in telephone interception”. However, the government has maintained its military ties with Turkey.
Abdoulaye noted that the military financial cooperation deal would allow Niger to acquire modern weapons - including military drones, ammunition and other equipment - along with training and technical support for its army.
“Although the exact contents of the agreement are not yet known, many sources claim that it allows for the presence of Turkish troops in Niger,” he said.
“For Niger, this agreement is crucial for strengthening its army, ensuring the stability of the regime, and countering western influence.”
Over the past four years, Turkey has expanded its presence in the Sahel. In addition to selling drones, Hurkus trainer aircraft, and various defence products, Ankara has provided training and advisory services to countries such as Burkina Faso and Mali.
Abdoulaye explained that Turkey is one of the few countries able to maintain strong relations with Niger’s former civilian government as well as its current military rulers.
“Following this military partnership, closer cooperation in strategic sectors such as oil and uranium is likely in the near future,” he said.
“Protecting Turkey’s Mediterranean borders from threats emanating from the Sahel, and especially Niger, provides Ankara with an important advantage over its competitors.”