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Re: Donald's Favorite Shorter Kant: On Perpetual Peace [!! LADIES]

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Jeff Rubard

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Oct 12, 2010, 7:48:38 PM10/12/10

On Oct 12, 4:46 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
> On Oct 12, 4:46 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > On Oct 12, 4:38 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > > On Oct 12, 4:37 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > > > On Oct 12, 4:35 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > > > > On Oct 12, 4:35 pm, Jeff Rubard <jeffrub...@gmail.com> wrote:
>
> > > > > > For Dad's 64th year in Government service [Social Security standard
> > > > > > Ready]:
> > > > > > Not much given to philosophy, but you know he loves
>
> > > > > > Immanuel Kant
> > > > > > Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch
>
> > > > > > 1795
>
> > > > > > PERPETUAL PEACE
>
> > > > > > Whether this satirical inscription on a Dutch innkeeper's sign upon
> > > > > > which a burial ground was painted had for its object mankind in
> > > > > > general, or the rulers of states in particular, who are insatiable of
> > > > > > war, or merely the philosophers who dream this sweet dream, it is not
> > > > > > for us to decide. But one condition the author of this essay wishes to
> > > > > > lay down. The practical politician assumes the attitude of looking
> > > > > > down with great self-satisfaction on the political theorist as a
> > > > > > pedant whose empty ideas in no way threaten the security of the state,
> > > > > > inasmuch as the state must proceed on empirical principles; so the
> > > > > > theorist is allowed to play his game without interference from the
> > > > > > worldly-wise statesman. Such being his attitude, the practical
> > > > > > politician--and this is the condition I make--should at least act
> > > > > > consistently in the case of a conflict and not suspect some danger to
> > > > > > the state in the political theorist's opinions which are ventured and
> > > > > > publicly expressed without any ulterior purpose. By this clausula
> > > > > > salvatoria the author desires formally and emphatically to deprecate
> > > > > > herewith any malevolent interpretation which might be placed on his
> > > > > > words.
>
> > > > > > SECTION I
>
> > > > > > CONTAINING THE PRELIMINARY ARTICLES FOR PERPETUAL PEACE AMONG STATES
>
> > > > > > 1. "No Treaty of Peace Shall Be Held Valid in Which There Is Tacitly
> > > > > > Reserved Matter for a Future War"
>
> > > > > > Otherwise a treaty would be only a truce, a suspension of hostilities
> > > > > > but not peace, which means the end of all hostilities--so much so that
> > > > > > even to attach the word "perpetual" to it is a dubious pleonasm. The
> > > > > > causes for making future wars (which are perhaps unknown to the
> > > > > > contracting parties) are without exception annihilated by the treaty
> > > > > > of peace, even if they should be dug out of dusty documents by acute
> > > > > > sleuthing. When one or both parties to a treaty of peace, being too
> > > > > > exhausted to continue warring with each other, make a tacit
> > > > > > reservation (reservatio mentalis) in regard to old claims to be
> > > > > > elaborated only at some more favorable opportunity in the future, the
> > > > > > treaty is made in bad faith, and we have an artifice worthy of the
> > > > > > casuistry of a Jesuit. Considered by itself, it is beneath the dignity
> > > > > > of a sovereign, just as the readiness to indulge in this kind of
> > > > > > reasoning is unworthy of the dignity of his minister.
>
> > > > > > But if, in consequence of enlightened concepts of statecraft, the
> > > > > > glory of the state is placed in its continual aggrandizement by
> > > > > > whatever means, my conclusion will appear merely academic and
> > > > > > pedantic.
>
> > > > > > 2. "No Independent States, Large or Small, Shall Come under the
> > > > > > Dominion of Another State by Inheritance, Exchange, Purchase, or
> > > > > > Donation"
>
> > > > > > A state is not, like the ground which it occupies, a piece of property
> > > > > > (patrimonium). It is a society of men whom no one else has any right
> > > > > > to command or to dispose except the state itself. It is a trunk with
> > > > > > its own roots. But to incorporate it into another state, like a graft,
> > > > > > is to destroy its existence as a moral person, reducing it to a thing;
> > > > > > such incorporation thus contradicts the idea of the original contract
> > > > > > without which no right over a people can be conceived.1
>
> > > > > > Everyone knows to what dangers Europe, the only part of the world
> > > > > > where this manner of acquisition is known, has been brought, even down
> > > > > > to the most recent times, by the presumption that states could espouse
> > > > > > one another; it is in part a new kind of industry for gaining
> > > > > > ascendancy by means of family alliances and without expenditure of
> > > > > > forces, and in part a way of extending one's domain. Also the hiring-
> > > > > > out of troops by one state to another, so that they can be used
> > > > > > against an enemy not common to both, is to be counted under this
> > > > > > principle; for in this manner the subjects, as though they were things
> > > > > > to be manipulated at pleasure, are used and also used up.
>
> > > > > > 3. "Standing Armies (miles perpetuus) Shall in Time Be Totally
> > > > > > Abolished"
>
> > > > > > For they incessantly menace other states by their readiness to appear
> > > > > > at all times prepared for war; they incite them to compete with each
> > > > > > other in the number of armed men, and there is no limit to this. For
> > > > > > this reason, the cost of peace finally becomes more oppressive than
> > > > > > that of a short war, and consequently a standing army is itself a
> > > > > > cause of offensive war waged in order to relieve the state of this
> > > > > > burden. Add to this that to pay men to kill or to be killed seems to
> > > > > > entail using them as mere machines and tools in the hand of another
> > > > > > (the state), and this is hardly compatible with the rights of mankind
> > > > > > in our own person. But the periodic and voluntary military exercises
> > > > > > of citizens who thereby secure themselves and their country against
> > > > > > foreign aggression are entirely different.
>
> > > > > > The accumulation of treasure would have the same effect, for, of the
> > > > > > three powers--the power of armies, of alliances, and of money--the
> > > > > > third is perhaps the most dependable weapon. Such accumulation of
> > > > > > treasure is regarded by other states as a threat of war, and if it
> > > > > > were not for the difficulties in learning the amount, it would force
> > > > > > the other state to make an early attack.
>
> > > > > > 4. "National Debts Shall Not Be Contracted with a View to the External
> > > > > > Friction of States"
>
> > > > > > This expedient of seeking aid within or without the state is above
> > > > > > suspicion when the purpose is domestic economy (e.g., the improvement
> > > > > > of roads, new settlements, establishment of stores against unfruitful
> > > > > > years, etc.). But as an opposing machine in the antagonism of powers,
> > > > > > a credit system which grows beyond sight and which is yet a safe debt
> > > > > > for the present requirements--because all the creditors do not require
> > > > > > payment at one time--constitutes a dangerous money power. This
> > > > > > ingenious invention of a commercial people [England] in this century
> > > > > > is dangerous because it is a war treasure which exceeds the treasures
> > > > > > of all other states; it cannot be exhausted except by default of taxes
> > > > > > (which is inevitable), though it can be long delayed by the stimulus
> > > > > > to trade which occurs through the reaction of credit on industry and
> > > > > > commerce. This facility in making war, together with the inclination
> > > > > > to do so on the part of rulers--an inclination which seems inborn in
> > > > > > human nature--is thus a great hindrance to perpetual peace. Therefore,
> > > > > > to forbid this credit system must be a preliminary article of
> > > > > > perpetual peace all the more because it must eventually entangle many
> > > > > > innocent states in the inevitable bankruptcy and openly harm them.
> > > > > > They are therefore justified in allying themselves against such a
> > > > > > state and its measures.
>
> > > > > > 5. "No State Shall by Force Interfere with the Constitution or
> > > > > > Government of Another State"
>
> > > > > > For what is there to authorize it to do so? The offense, perhaps,
> > > > > > which a state gives to the subjects of another state? Rather the
> > > > > > example of the evil into which a state has fallen because of its
> > > > > > lawlessness should serve as a warning. Moreover, the bad example which
> > > > > > one free person affords another as a scandalum acceptum is not an
> > > > > > infringement of his rights. But it would be quite different if a
> > > > > > state, by internal rebellion, should fall into two parts, each of
> > > > > > which pretended to be a separate state making claim to the whole. To
> > > > > > lend assistance to one of these cannot be considered an interference
> > > > > > in the constitution of the other state (for it is then in a state of
> > > > > > anarchy) . But so long as the internal dissension has not come to this
> > > > > > critical point, such interference by foreign powers would infringe on
> > > > > > the rights of an independent people struggling with its internal
> > > > > > disease; hence it would itself be an offense and would render the
> > > > > > autonomy of all states insecure.
>
> > > > > > 6. "No State Shall, during War, Permit Such Acts of Hostility Which
> > > > > > Would Make Mutual Confidence in the Subsequent Peace Impossible: Such
> > > > > > Are the Employment of Assassins (percussores), Poisoners (venefici),
> > > > > > Breach of Capitulation, and Incitement to Treason (perduellio) in the
> > > > > > Opposing State"
>
> > > > > > These are dishonorable stratagems. For some confidence in the
> > > > > > character of the enemy must remain even in the midst of war, as
> > > > > > otherwise no peace could be concluded and the hostilities would
> > > > > > degenerate into a war of extermination (bellum internecinum). War,
> > > > > > however, is only the sad recourse in the state of nature (where there
> > > > > > is no tribunal which could judge with the force of law) by which each
> > > > > > state asserts its right by violence and in which neither party can be
> > > > > > adjudged unjust (for that would presuppose a juridical decision); in
> > > > > > lieu of such a decision, the issue of the conflict (as if given by a
> > > > > > so-called "judgment of God") decides on which side justice lies. But
> > > > > > between states no punitive war (bellum punitivum) is conceivable,
> > > > > > because there is no relation between them of master and servant.
>
> > > > > > It follows that a war of extermination, in which the destruction of
> > > > > > both parties and of all justice can result, would permit perpetual
> > > > > > peace only in the vast burial ground of the human race. Therefore,
> > > > > > such a war and the use of all means leading to it must be absolutely
> > > > > > forbidden. But that the means cited do inevitably lead to it is clear
> > > > > > from the fact that these infernal arts, vile in themselves, when once
> > > > > > used would not long be
>
> > > > ...
>
> > > > read more »
>
> > > U really like Feebleness.http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JY_0QReTPkc
> > > DON'T BE LIKE W.
> > > DON'T LITERALLY BE BRIAN WILSON
> > > IT'S HARD
> > > IT IS, LIKE, A BUMMER ON YOUR WEEK-END
> > > AND STUFF
>
> > MORE RESPONSIBLE: [CHECK OUT THE COLON, DUDES]http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XRDi67G0Siw&feature=related
>
> FOR THE GENIUSES [JON MEACHAM NOT PICTURED]:http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JXCo_lR3Pp0

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