A Very British Coup Epub Download
Catarina Marsalis
R. gave Ashenden a couple of typewritten pages andAshenden sat down. R. put on his spectacles and beganto read the letters that awaited his signature. Ashendenskimmed the report and then read it a second time moreattentively. It appeared that Chandra Lal was adangerous agitator. He was a lawyer by profession, but hadtaken up politics and was bitterly hostile to the Britishrule in India. He was a partisan of armed force and hadbeen on more than one occasion responsible for riots inwhich life had been lost. He was once arrested, tried andsentenced to two years' imprisonment; but he was atliberty at the beginning of the war and seizing hisopportunity began to foment active rebellion. He was atthe heart of plots to embarrass the British in India and soprevent them from transferring troops to the seat of warand with the help of immense sums given to him byGerman agents he was able to cause a great deal oftrouble. He was concerned in two or three bomboutrages which, though beyond killing a few innocentbystanders they did little harm, yet shook the nerves ofthe public and so damaged its morale. He evaded allattempts to arrest him, his activity was formidable, hewas here and there; but the police could never lay handson him, and they only learned that he had been in somecity when, having done his work, he had left it. At last ahigh reward was offered for his arrest on a charge ofmurder, but he escaped the country, got to America,from there went to Sweden and eventually reachedBerlin. Here he busied himself with schemes to createdisaffection among the native troops that had beenbrought to Europe. All this was narrated dryly, withoutcomment or explanation, but from the very frigidity ofthe narrative you got a sense of mystery and adventure,of hairbreadth escapes and dangers dangerouslyencountered. The report ended as follows:
Mr. Harrington was a bore. He exasperated Ashenden,and enraged him; he got on his nerves, and drovehim to frenzy. But Ashenden did not dislike him. Hisself-satisfaction was enormous but so ingenuous thatyou could not resent it; his conceit was so childlike thatyou could only smile at it. He was so well-meaning, sothoughtful, so deferential, so polite that thoughAshenden would willingly have killed him he could not butown that in that short while he had conceived forMr. Harrington something very like affection. His mannerswere exquisite, formal, a trifle elaborate perhaps (thereis no harm in that, for good manners are the product ofan artificial state of society and so can bear a touch of thepowdered wig and the lace ruffle), but though natural tohis good breeding they gained a pleasant significancefrom his good heart. He was ready to do anyone akindness and seemed to find nothing too much troubleif he could thereby oblige his fellow man. He waseminently serviable. And it may be that this is a word forwhich there is no exact translation because the charmingquality it denotes is not very common among ourpractical people. When Ashenden was ill for a couple ofdays Mr. Harrington nursed him with devotion.Ashenden was embarrassed by the care he took of himand though racked with pain could not help laughing atthe fussy attention with which Mr. Harrington took histemperature, from his neatly packed valise extracted awhole regiment of tabloids and firmly doctored him;and he was touched by the trouble he gave himself toget from the dining-car the things that he thoughtAshenden could eat. He did everything in the world forhim but stop talking.
A very sound and much-needed biographical addition to the scholarship of late antiquity. Highly recommended.
Despite being half-Vandal, the late Roman generalissimo Flavius Stilicho in striking ways resembled the great men of the Roman Republic far more than the emperors he served. Stilicho rose through the ranks of the army to become the last consul to celebrate a triumph, and when his political enemies succeeded in a coup d'etat, he stoically accepted his execution in dramatic fashion. Hughes eloquently describes the details of this Roma life, and much more besides. His book is both a well-wrought, superbly researched biography and a thorough glimpse into the Roman world at the end of the Western Empire. Hughes deftly describes the cast of characters around Stilicho and the main events of his life, and in several excurses fleshes out his story with excellent details, as when describing the late Roman army and its opponents. If Hughes has a fault, it may be his tendency to follow the panegyric sources a bit too far in tone, although he does make a solid attempt at some revisionist arguments.
On May 5, Companys obtained a fragile truce, on the basis of which the PSUC councilors were to retire from the regional government, and the question of the Telephone Company was left to future negotiation. That very night, however, Antonio Sesé, a UGT official who was about to enter the reorganized cabinet, was murdered. In any event, the Valencia authorities were in no mood to temporize further with the Catalan Left. On May 6 several thousand asaltos arrived in the city, and the Republican Navy demonstrated in the port.[83]
An account such as this, with its concern for human relations and the ideal of a just society, must appear very strange to the consciousness of the sophisticated intellectual, and it is therefore treated with scorn, or taken to be naive or primitive or otherwise irrational. Only when such prejudice is abandoned will it be possible for historians to undertake a serious study of the popular movement that transformed Republican Spain in one of the most remarkable social revolutions that history records.
And, so, it wasn't totally unreasonable in this sort of cold and calculating and somewhat evil sense for them to say, 'And, thank you very much, we'll take this weak little republic nextdoor called Ukraine, or at least demand that it's neutral.' And, was Putin wrong to expect that Ukraine and the West would stand up? I'm not sure. They crossed Obama's red line in Syria. Nothing was done. Steadily extended control elsewhere.
"If you take your minds back, gentlemen, you will remember that the name of Derrick Yale had never been heard until the first of the Crimson Circle murders. It is true that he had established himself in a city office, that he had issued circulars, had put advertisements in the paper describing himself as a psychometric detective, but the cases which came to him were very few. Of course, he did not want any cases. He was working up to his big coup. It was after the first murder, you remember, that Derrick Yale was employed by a newspaper, which wanted a good sensational story, to employ his psychometric powers in the tracking of the criminal.
Ebola seems to be a particular risk in conflict affected contexts. All three of the countries most affected by the 2014-15 outbreak have a complex conflict-affected recent history. Other major outbreaks in the recent past, in Northern Uganda and in the Democratic Republic of Congo are similarly afflicted although outbreaks have also occurred in stable settings. Although the 2014-15 outbreak in West Africa has received more attention than almost any other public health issue in recent months, very little of that attention has focused on the complex interaction between conflict and its aftermath and its implications for health systems, the emergence of the disease and the success or failure in controlling it.
It is hard to convey the public impact of France's war to maintain her colonial grip on Algeria; yet in the late 1950s this ugly conflict dominated Europe's media to almost the same extent as would Vietnam ten years later. It brought France to the very verge of military coup d'etat; it destroyed thousands of careers; bitterly divided the French military and political classes for a generation; and sent hundreds of thousands of European settler families into often ruinous exile. This title details the history, organisation, equipment and uniforms of the forces involved.
Tilea's Free Committee was not officially recognized by the British government, but was known to have the support of Britain and to be very close to the Polish government-in-exile, which was a major reason why the British spurned the Carol's rival Free Romania committee based in Mexico City, which tended to attract support only from those Romanians who been closely associated with the king's camarilla.[125] Tilea's committee had an office in Istanbul which regularly sent couriers to a safe house in Bucharest, where messages were exchanged with one of Carol's former prime ministers Constantin Argetoianu who in turn acted as an emissary for those opposed to Antonescu.[126] Argetoianu reported that King Michael was opposed to the Antonescu regime and wanted to stage a coup d'état to depose Antonescu, waiting only for the Allies to invade the Balkans.[126] General Antonescu was the dictator, but Romanian army officers took their oath of loyalty to the king, so there was reason to believe in London that the Romanian Army would side with the king against the prime minister if the two came into conflict. From the British viewpoint, associating themselves with Carol's campaign to once again depose his own son would only complicate their dealings with King Michael.
Even though she was not an orator for the ages, are Thatcher's statements, as was claimed of Peel's, history in themselves? Despite the fact that she was deposed in a palace coup and banished to the political wilderness, and although there seems little chance of her making a late, Gladstonian comeback (even if her peerage could soon cease to be an obstacle), it is now common to observe that British politics was enduringly transformed by her reign. In this way she resembles Peel. Although he sundered his party, was (like Thatcher) effectively broken by a speech from his own side of the House, and spent the remaining four years of his truncated life far from power surrounded by a small group of political adherents, by the time he left office Peel had laid the ground for the mid-Victorian Liberal consensus. The Thatcher years, too, have become the basis of a new political consensus exemplified best, as many like to point out, by New Labour. In this sense, then, one can say of Thatcher's speeches what the editor of Peel's speeches wrote in his introduction: 'Peel's oratory, however, may, in spite of every opposition, be called the oratory of triumph; and his speeches are, in reality, little more than the milestones of so many victories.'(16)
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