Why is the Mayor of NYC mostly Jewish?
DP
Where is the Irish mayor? Hispanic? other race? Is the city election stack
towards a certain group?
108 John V. Lindsay January 1, 1966 - December 31, 1973
109 Abraham D. Beame January 1, 1974 - December 31, 1977
110 Edward I. Koch January 1, 1978 - December 31, 1989
111 David N. Dinkins January 1, 1990 - December 31, 1993
112 Rudolph W. Giuliani January 1, 1994 - December 31, 2001
113 Michael R. Bloomberg January 1, 2002 -
Phil
wrote:
>Where is the Irish mayor? Hispanic? other race? Is the city election stack
>towards a certain group?
Why do you think the city is required to have Irish and Hispanic
mayors? Race shouldn't play a role in politics.
Phil
climber
NYC simply has a very large and politcally active Jewish population.
(I believe it has more Jews than Tel Aviv, more PR's than San Juan)
cole
cole
vjp...@at.biostrategist.dot.dot.com
I'd bet the majority of mayors in the past hundred years were Catholic.
(see p683 below).
Lindsay came from SOuth Carolina. Wagner was German Catholic.
Beame was the first Jewish mayor. laGuardia was half Jewish.
Sayre (Columbia) & Kaufman (Yale) Governing NYC Russell Sage 1960 60-8408
p11 Brooklyn was not to be denied, becoming a city in 1834
p12 Andrew Haswell Green, who for thirty years made the creation of
the Greather City the prime object of his active career
p13 State Constitutional Convention of 1894 had been more "reformist"
than "regular"; it had written a strong merit system requirement into the
state's basic law, separated city elections from state elections, imposed
strict limitations upon state and city finances, and in other ways made the
life of party leaders more difficult
p16 coalition in the city elections of 1901: Seth Low, was the "Fusion"
candidate of Republicans, the independents, and the reformers had
rediscovered the tripartite formula for their successful participation in the
city's political contest - state legislative investigation, charter revision
from Albany, and Fusion in the city election
p19 growth of the city was further encouraged by the opening of the Erie
Barge Canal in 1825, since this permitted shipping goods in bulk relatively
quickly and cheaply between the interior and the East. The Appalachian
Mountain range was for decades a towering barrier blocking land
communications with other ports, which meant that when railroads came, rail
service in and out of New York on the water-level route paralleling the
Hudson-Mohawk and the Erie Canal system also enjoyed a competitive advantage
p21 fourty thousand manufacturing establishements, with the largest
factory work force in any American city (nearly a million industrial workers)
and the largest manufacturing payroll (close to $3 billion a year). The
garment industry is the dominant one, but printing and publishing are also huge
p51 city sales tax (the chief money maker for the city government after
the property tax, although first adopted in 1934 as a "temporary, emergency"
measure for the relief of the unemployed) has been tripled in rate in a
generation
p59 maneuvers on th epart of one group to procure municipal services
precipitates countermeasures by opposed factions, and political battle is
joined. Therein lies a partial explanation of the unsymmetrical, sometime
sillogical, pattern of city functions
p75 Indeed, it was even customary, during the depression decade, for
eligibles - those who had passed civil service examinations and were
registered on civil service eligible lists - to form numerous separate
associations to promote their interests. In many of the larger agencies there
are also religious fraternities - Catholic Holy Name Societies, Protestant St
George Societies, Jewish Shomrin Societies - made up of employees of the same
faith. These, too, often have political goals
p80 Twenty-five years ago [Gvt by Ppl 1933 pp240-5] Denis Brogan, an
English observer of the American political scene, noted the importance of
what he called "the three B's" - betting, booze, and brothels - in state and
local politcts in this country.. business racketeering and labor
racketeering. The "business" groups often assume the guise of associations of
the kind that regulate conditions in an industry both economically and
politically, Under this protective coloration, some alleged business
associations have taken to providing "services" for their members, which
often means nothing more than that they will refrain from committing violence
upon their victims if the victims join the association and contribute
regularly to it. In the same fashion the "labor" gangs often disguised as
unions threaten work stoppages and violence in order to exact tribute from
employers
p109 alternative to formal rules is the slow growth of custom, but in a
time of rapid change the contestants cannot wait for the slower process of
informal adjustment and accomodation. This is perhaps the basic condition
which now accelerates the transition from custom to formality that has long
been underway in the city and other governments. There have been at least
four special sources of this long-term trend: distrust of men in government
and parties; strict judicial cinstruction of the powers of municipal
corporations; strategic and tactical advantages of formalization; and the
requirements of technology
p124 The number of registrants invariably reached its peak in presidential
years, dropped to about two thirds of this maximum in mayoral and
gubenatorial years, and dropped to less that one half of the
presidential-year figures in the odd years immediately preceding presidential
elections, when almost the only offices to be filled were judicial
p127 Enrollement, however, is not a reliable index of part strength in
elections. Consistently a far smaller number of the voters in any election in
New York City cast Democratic ballots than enroll in the Democratic party
p129 may one day seek favors from the government through political
channels is likely to be strengthened if he makes his demand as a member of
the party in power
p135 Assembly districts have long been the smallest political subdivisions
in the state in which there are contests for elective office. At one time the
wards in New York City (abolished with the adoption of the charter in 1936)
of the old Board of Aldermen (supplanted by the City Council in 1936) were
perhaps slightly smaller, but not significantly so. Assembly DIstricts could
thus be easily managed from a political clubhouse (described below) and were
thus highly convenient units for party organization. Another factor
underlying the development of the Assembly District as a unit of party
representation is that until 1938 state assemblymen were elected annually..
Richard Croker became the leader of Tammany Hall.. convenient to delegate or
surrender to his District Leaders power over all th emunicipal offices in
their districts.. male Captain and a female cocaptain in each Election
District.. called upon by the constituents of their respective parties to get
favors of a personal nature.. establish personal liaison with as many voters
as possible
p139 Democrats in Queens have had internal factional struggles for their
county leadership. And in a brief but bitter struggle, the self-selected
candidate to succeed Thomas Curran, long-time Republican leader in Manhattan
who died in 1958, was defeated
p151 Wilson-Pakula Law, for example, requiring the assent of county
executive committees to allow candidates of one party to be nominated by
another party as well, was enacted by agreemnt to block Congressman Vito
Marcantonio of the American Labor party, whose supporters penetrated both
major parties in his district and prevented those parties from putting up
candidates to oppose him. When the parties differ on the Election Law, they
usually manage to work out some compromise, although the Republicans, who
occasionally capture both houses of the state legislature and even the
governorship as well, can sometime override Democratic opposition. Even then,
however, they often find some basis of agreement because the Democrats could
raise such a hue and cry about alleged violations of the sanctity of the
two-party system that the Republicans would be embarassed. When the Democrats
hold the governorship, they have no trouble blocking changes in the Election
Law proposed by the Republican legislative majority
p159 To strenthen their hand in negotiations, th eLiberals often nominate
candidates of their own, then have these candidates withdraw if they are
satisfied with the results of their threat to make an independent stand, and
have their party committees endorse the major-party candidates who are
aceptable to them. In 1956, for example, 52 Liberal candidates withdrew from
the election and were replaced by Democrats, whose names withdrew from the
election and party lines on the voting machines
p160 Democrats, on the other hand, are somewhat more intimately associated
with labor leaders in the city, but the Republican party sometimes gets
important labor support, particularly from some of the craft unions. The
Liberal party receives its chief financial support and leadership from the
International Ladies' Garment Workers Union, and its policies and strategies
are hardly distinguishable from those of the union
p176 It is a good year for the Republicans in New York City when they can
send as many as a dozen assemblymen and seven or eight senators to Albany.
Still more striking is the degree of Democratic domination of the City
Council.. Proportional representation was abandoned after the 1945 election..
Democrats have recovered their old crushing majority; 24 of the 25 councilmen
elected in 1949 ran on the Democratic ticket, 23 in 1953, and 24 in 1957
p179 bargain with the enemy in order to weaken his grass-roots offensive.
When such deals are made, wor dis passed through the ranks of the minority
party that their is no enthusiasm in th eparty leadership for specified
candidates and he campiagn for them never gets out of low gear.. joint
nomination.. especially for judgeships and district attorneyships
p187 1936, when the leader sof the garment worker's unions rejected the
admonition of Samuel Gompers to stay clear of political parties and decided
to organize the American Labor party, either the ALP or Liberals (led by
labor leaders who opposed the left-wing ALP leadership and broke away in 1944
to establish their own political organization).. In 1948, if the heavy ALP
vote for Henry A Wallace had gone to Harry S Truman, the Republicans would
not have taken the state
p234 The department head who wishes to expand his field of choice when he
appoints a bureau chief must thus be inventive, patient, and persistent. One
method to which he may resort is to reorganize his department, creating new
bureaus or redefining the functions of existing bureaus. He may thus argue
that new qualifications are required for bureau chiefs, enlarging the number
and types of competitors who may take the examination. Another method
sometimes used by a department head is to propose the transfer of an elegible
civil servant from another bureau or department, appointing him as bureau
chief with the consent of the city's Personnel Department. Still another
method is to persuade the Personnel Department that a simultaneous "open
competitive" and "promotion" examination should be held, hoping that higher
standards of examining and wider competition will enlarge his field of
choice; or the department head may petition successfully for an open
competitive examination only, arguing that there is not sufficient
competition within the ranks to justify a closed promotion examination. All
these efforts tend to yield narrow gains in freedom of choice by the
department head. He is more fortunate if he has an opportunity to appoint a
"provisional" bureau chief as his own choice while the examination process is
under way. There is some chance that the provisional appointee may be
allowed to compete and thus become eligible for regular appointment, and the
department head will at least have had his choice in office for a time
p263 The configuration of claimants on each side of every controversy is
often composed of quite disparate groups. On birth control questions, for
example, Protestant and Jewish groups may be joined with medical associations
and welfare groups, as well as with planned parenthood organizations. On the
handling of child welfare cases, a professional society of social workers was
at odds with Catholic groups. Increase of governmental medical services for
the public may be backed by the American Public Health Association, yet
opposed by medical societies. Traffic and parking regulations may set bus
companies and truckers and taxicab operators and garage owners and the
American Automobile Association against each other, and may possibly arouse
businessmen in the areas affected. Neighborhood groups threatened with
displacement by new roadways or civic improvements may battle with all their
strength against planning and motorist and cultural groups. The divisions are
not always neat and symmetrical. Any combination of elements, including
parts of the bureaucracies involved, may form to support or oppose an agency
on any question
p283 The architects of these arrangements, including the school officials
and the religious group leaders, presumably anticipate peace and equillibrium
as a consequence of this controlled competition.. 54 local boards, each
conssting of 5 unsalaried members, appointed by the Borough Presidents (14
boards in Manhattan, 10 in The Bronx, 20 in Brooklyn, 8 in Queens, and 2 in
Richmond). Through these local boards, whose formal responsibilities are
ambiguous, the Borough Presidents, the Assembly District leaders, assemblymen
and councilmen, parent groups, local religious and patriotic groups, and
other local interests find opportunities to influence assistant
superintendents
p297 The instability of the Traffc Department's relations to other agencies
led Mayor Wagner in 1955 to establish an Interdepartmental Traffic Council,
its seven members being the Traffic Commissioner, the Police Commissioner,
the Sanitation Commissioner, the City Administrator, an assistant to the
Mayor, and two members of the City Council. Its history has not demonstrated
that it can solve the Traffic Commissioner's major dilemmas. For example, one
of its conclusions in 1957 was the alleviation of traffic congestion in the
garment district should be regarded as a part of a comprehensive plan for the
whole area, embracing land use, zoning, building rehabilitation, new
constrution, as well as traffic flow, methods of loading and unloading, and
parking, a long-range task assigned prayefully by the Traffic Council to the
City Planning Commission. Meanwhile, the Traffic Commisioner must wait
p321 Port of New York Authority.. extending roughly 20 miles in every
direction from the Statue of Liberty. Established in 1921 by a compact between
the states.. free many of the region's piers used by the railroads for world
shipping.. In 1928, it opened two bridges between Staten Island and New
Jersey. In 1931, it opened a third such bridge, acquired the Holland Tunnel
(which had been built earlier by a different interstate body), and finished
the George Washington Bridge. In 1932, it opened a Union Inland Freight
Terminal in Manhattan, for handling less-than-carload freight and
transferring much trucking congestion away from the crowded waterfront. In
1938, the first tube of the Lincoln Tunnel
p391 over the design of buildings, bridges, dockes, and other structures
on public lands; and over the maintenance of monuments, sculpture, and
paintings.. But the [Art] Commission must act within sixty days after
submission or its consent is not necessary.. articulate constituency: the
Fine Arts Federation.. What the Commission cannot inspect, it cannot
disapprove; one battle over a disapproval will consume its resources for weeks
p406 first aim of the leaders of the city's bureaucracies, in seeking
autonomy, is to minimize the burden of supervision they receive from other
participants.. most important strategic method is to secure wide acceptance
of am inviolate status, a taboo against "political interference" or the
intervention of "special interests".. conscious of their experience and
knowledge in their specialized fields, and they are aware that they will
probably bear the brunt of error while others claim the credit for their
success. Their leaders regard as necessary the protection of their group
values and their settled traditions against the enthusiasm and whims of
"amateurs" or "innovators"
p407 opportunities for "outside" intervention do arise, as when the courts
invalidate an existing procedure and prescribe a new one, or when
technological progress compels an important change in picture..
bureaucracies tend to absorb them reluctantly and slowly, modifying them if
possible to fit into going procedures with the least change in settled
habits.. rhetoric often has an imperialistic sound, their tactics are
sometimes aggressive and turbulent, but their concrete goals remain
conservative
p413 "promotion from within".. amount of "new blood" that the city
bureaucracies must absorb is minimal, and practically all of it is at the
lowest ranks
p423 Teachers' Union of New York City became Local 5 of the American
Federation of Teachers, AFL. In 1935 the Teachers' Guild was organized by an
insurgent group in protest against the left-wing ties of the teachers' Union,
and in 1941, upon the expulsion of the latter from the AFT, the Guild became
the AFL affiliate. Neither the Union nor the Guild, nor the two together,
ever commanded a majority membership among teachers, although they have
provided much of the militancy and strategy to the whole array of teachers'
groups
p455 Democratic part leaders were for many years successful in preventing
centralization of a number of city functions originally located in county and
borough offices. Not until the administration of Fiorello La Guardia was it
possibel to establish one city Department of Parks, a single city Sheriff
(under the merit system), and integrated Department of Public Works, and a
single City Register, for the division of these operations among the five
subdivisions of the city provided the county party organizations with
generous numbers of jobs and other rewards. Indeed, despite the centralizing
achievements of the La Guardia period, the borough offices remain, a New York
Post survey recently revealed, centers of patronage and preserves of the
parties able, because of the party leader interest in them, to stand off all
attempts at official investigation, reorganization, and reform
p489 William Randolph Hearst, for instance, was reportedly invited by
Charles F Murphy, then head of Tammany hall, to pick the Democratic mayoral
candidate in 1917 so that Tammany could be sure of haning the Hearst papers
on his side. Hearst had earlier utulized his newpapers to secure his
ownnomination and election to Congress, and then his nomination for mayor,
and finally his nomination for governor. Joseph Pulitzer and Roy Howard were
also "kingmakers"
p497 1882, when the City Reform Club.. John Jay Chapin, his cousin William
Jay Schieffelin, Richard Welling, and Theodore Roosevelt.. Good Government
Clubs (dubbed "Goo Goos" by the regular party leaders) which played a
considerable role in the 1894 election of reform Mayor William L Strong. The
founding of the Citizens Union in 1897 was primarily an act of the City
Club's leaders (Cutting, Welling, Schieffelin, Kelly, Elihu Root.. Carl
Schurz, Nicholas Murray Butler, Jacob Schiff, and J pierpot Morgan. The Union
thus began its life as a municipal political party,establishing for that
purpose district clubs.. first candidate for Mayor, Seth Low in 1897, was
defeated because Republicans refused to join a Fusion movement, but in 1901
Low was elected with joint Citizens Union and Republican support. Thereafter
the Union's role as a municipal political part began to decline.. When the
vestigial district organizations were finally liquidated in 1918
p505 Citisens Budget Commission, established in June, 1932, had its origin
in the city's financial crisis of that year.. to participate in decisions
concerning the city's financial rescue.. "focus citizen activities on th
epoint where spending originates".. Trustees in 1932 included Peter Grimm
(president of the Real Estate Board of New York, 1927-1931, as well as
long-time president of William A White and Sons, one of the city's largest
real estate firms), Henry Bruere (president of the Bowery Savings Bank),
Lewis E Pierson (Irving Trust Company), WIlliam Church Osborn (a leading
attorney), Raymond B Fosdick (like Bruere, a former commissioner of the
Mitchel administration), Thomas J Watson (president of the Merchants
Association)
p510 [Central Trades and Labor] Council has played no important in the
leadership of the Liberal party established in 1944, although some of the
Council's member unions joined with some CIO unions in launching that
party. The Council has preferred instead to rely upon its traditional pattern
of close affiliation with the leaders of the city's majority party. Whether
this tradition will be modified as one of the consequences of the pending
merger with CIO unions into a new AFL-CIO Council is uncertain, but the
persistence of the long-established pattern is suggested by the 1957 choice
of a building trades union leader - Harry Van Arsdale, of the Electrical
Workers - to succeed Lacey as Council president and presumably to head the
merged organization whe it is formally established in 1959
p523 The criminal courts, listed in ascending order according to the
severity of the maximum penalties they may impose, are the Magistrates'
Court, the Court of Special [General in Manhattan] Sessions, and the County
Courts. The civil courts, arranged in ascending order according to the
authorized maximum dollar amounts of claimed damages they may handle, are the
mUnicipal Court, the City Court, the Trial and Special "Terms" (divisions) of
the Supreme Court, which also possesses, but rarely exercises, jurisdiction
in criminal cases. The special courts are the Surrogates' Court, for wills,
estates, adoptions, and guardianships, and the Domestic Relations Court of
the City of New York
p542 A man who wants to be a judge must normally be a party insider, and,
in addition, must be prepared in many cases to donate substantial sums of
money to the organization of the appropriate party leader whose influence
will be the chief factor in his nomination for appointment or election. This
practice obtains even when the aspirant has worked long and hard for his
party and is well qualified for the post. And he is expected, once in office,
to contribute generously to his party in its fund-raising campaigns. Some
District Leaders can apparently extract as much as a year's salary plus an
additional "campaign fund" of several thousand dollars
p615 [City Council] With the minority now reduced to one Republican, or
two at most.. Minority Leader, Stanley M Isaacs, an experienced, informed,
persistent politician, keeps a spotlight of publicity on Democratic policies
and maneuvers. Though he cannot block them on the floor, his success in
raising the hue and cry has probably deterred or altered many measures that
might well have passed routinely and in obscurity
p628 In these three fields of formal powers - the enactment of local
laws, the expanse budget, the capital budget - the Boardof Estimate has the
dominant role
p629 The Mayor introduces the budget and the Council ratifies it after the
board is finished with its initial transformation of the Mayor's budget, but
thereafter the Board (aided by its trusted agent, the Budget Director) is
undisputed master of the expense budget's many changes during the fiscal
year.. Board of Estimate supervises the "assessable improvements" system of
the city, the Board's CHief Engineer approving those costing less than
$10,000, the Board itself acting upon all other proposals of Local
Improvement Boards in each Borough or taking the initiative itself
p681 Most of the 36 nominees for Mayor have been lawyers: this was the
case for 28, or three fourths of all nominees. Eight have not been lawyers:
Low, Hearst, Waterman, Thomas, Pounds, Corsi, McAvoy, and Christenberry. Of
the eight nonlawyers, five have been Republican nominees, three have been the
candidates of third parties
p683 36 nominees for the Mayoralty may be described as follws: 14 would
seem to belong to the Irish group (including Robert F Wagner, who was the son
of a German Methodist father and an Irish Catholic mother, himself a
Catholic married to a Protestant, and his children Catholic, is a delight to
both ticket-balancers and electorates); 12 to "old stock" ethnic groups
(British and Dutch primarily); 5 to the Jewish group (which by the logic of
politics is both a religious and an ethnic group); and 5 to the Italian group
(including Fiorello H La Guardia, who as an Italian Protestant with Jewish
[mother] ancestors plus multilingual capabilites was almost a "balanced
ticket" in himself)
p689 Six Mayors have been reelected, La Guardia winning three
terms. McClelan, Hylan, Walker, O'Dwyer, and Wagner (all Democratic nominees)
were twice elected. Low and mitchel, although renominated, faile dof
reelection. The city's electorates have chosen seven Catholics and five
Protestants as Mayors. The first four Mayors (Van Wyck, Low, McClellan,
Gaynor) were Protestants. The first Catholic Mayor was Mitchel, a Republican
and Fusion nominee; La Guardia was the only subsequent Protestant
Mayor.. sixty-year period since 1897. The four years of Van Wyck, the two
years of McClellans's first term, the seven years of Walker, the one year of
O'Brien - fourteen years in total - may be described as Tammany years. This
span of years is exceeded by the eighteen years of Fusion Mayors: Low, two
years; Mitchel, four years; La Guardia, twelve years
p697 office of Mayor is the end of a career, not an office which leads to
higher posts. The office uses up the man. Wagner's 1956 nomination for the
Unites States Senate was the first break in a sixty-year tradition which has
inexorably consigned Mayors to comparative obscurity after
p713 Bargaining and accomodation are equally characteristic of the
relations between one core group plus its satellites and other core groups
with their satellites.. core groups themselves do not exhibit solid internal
unity; each is in many respects a microcosm of the entire system
p719 Since each decision center in the city's government and politics has
attained a high degree of self-containment, the problem of exerting popular
control over them has been complicated. For one thing, it is difficult to
assign responsibility for unpopular policies. For another, and more
importantly, the capacity of these many separate centers to maintain their
essential autonomy, to outwit efforts to supervise them from outside each
center itself, or to adulterate the effects of such efforts
- = -
Vasos Panagiotopoulos, Columbia'81+, Reagan, Mozart, Pindus, BioStrategist
http://www.panix.com/~vjp2/vasos.htm http://www.facebook.com/vasjpan2
---{Nothing herein constitutes advice. Everything fully disclaimed.}---
[Homeland Security means private firearms not lazy obstructive guards]
[Urb sprawl confounds terror] [Phooey on GUI: Windows for subprime Bimbos]
Slim
It has everything to do with being "Stopped and Frisked" by the cops.
Even though 90% of the people they harass walk free, they still have to
be traumatized for no reason other than the color of their skin.
--
"A nickel isn't worth a dime today." - Y. Berra
DP
news:2009121422372116807-slim@pickinscom...
> On 2009-12-10 09:44:36 -0500, Phil <dogg...@yahoooo.com> said:
>
>> On Thu, 10 Dec 2009 06:46:07 -0500, "DP" <d...@destroypsychiatry.org>
>> wrote:
>>
>>
>>> Where is the Irish mayor? Hispanic? other race? Is the city election
>>> stack towards a certain group?
>>
>> Why do you think the city is required to have Irish and Hispanic
>> mayors? Race shouldn't play a role in politics.
>
> It has everything to do with being "Stopped and Frisked" by the cops.
>
cops. We have in NYC a population of mix races with some population larger
than others. We have blacks and hispanic who represent a large majority
population in this city, yet I cannot recall any Hispanic mayor? I can only
recall one black mayor. If race doesn't play a role, why is the mayor of NYC
mostly Jewish?
Phil
wrote:
If race was to play a factor, there won't be another black mayor for a
long time. Dinkins layed the ground work for that.
Phil
DP
news:ackfi5t59qn4tm7vo...@4ax.com...
size.
Population size-Jews do not represent the largest group.
Bank account size- it could be a factor but there are former mayors who have
been elected who wasn't a billionaire but neither was the opponent.
You agree there is nothing outstanding about mayor Bloomberg. So how come
the mayor of this city is mostly Jewish?
Phil
wrote:
>So lets divide this topic into two group. Population size or bank account
>size.
>Population size-Jews do not represent the largest group.
>Bank account size- it could be a factor but there are former mayors who have
>been elected who wasn't a billionaire but neither was the opponent.
>You agree there is nothing outstanding about mayor Bloomberg. So how come
>the mayor of this city is mostly Jewish?
Sounds more like you're trying to divide people.
How does being Jewish play any role in being mayor? Does it? You
could easily list all mayors, past and present, by their height or
weight and try to make a point of this.
If you're that curious about why there have been so many Jewish mayors
in recent years, you should concentrate on why so many Gentiles have
voted for them... though you'll probabaly just learn that religion
doesn't play that important a role in the voters' minds.
Phil
DP
> On Tue, 15 Dec 2009 17:28:14 -0500, "DP" <d...@destroypsychiatry.org>
> wrote:
>
>
>>So lets divide this topic into two group. Population size or bank account
>>size.
>>Population size-Jews do not represent the largest group.
>>Bank account size- it could be a factor but there are former mayors who
>>have
>>been elected who wasn't a billionaire but neither was the opponent.
>>You agree there is nothing outstanding about mayor Bloomberg. So how come
>>the mayor of this city is mostly Jewish?
>
> Sounds more like you're trying to divide people.
just an ordinary citizen like everyone else. I find it an interesting fact
that is why the question is asked.
I think that by dividing people, the Jews win more election so it is they
who is dividing people. The Jewish population is small compare to blacks,
hispanic, etc. Each perosn gets a vote, so naturally having a large
population of your kind would help but as I said, the Jews do not have the
largest population in this city, yet they have more mayors.
>
> How does being Jewish play any role in being mayor? Does it?
It shouldn't play a role, but the result is the mayor of NYC is mosly
Jewish.
Phil
DP
to be coincidence.
It could mean that the voter of NYC feel that the Jews are more qualify to
run the city but Bloomberg never had any experience when he was elected, so
cross that out.
It could mean that the voter of NYC feel that Jews are more intelligent but
how do you judge intelligence? Money, college degree?, etc ... If the voter
wanted college degree then PHD should be running. Let's cross out the
college degree...
Money...he has that but there are mayors who were elected who weren't
billionaire, so lets cross that out.
So why Jew?
vjp...@at.biostrategist.dot.dot.com
- = -
Vasos Panagiotopoulos, Columbia'81+, Reagan, Mozart, Pindus, BioStrategist
http://www.panix.com/~vjp2/vasos.htm http://www.facebook.com/vasjpan2
<P ALIGN="CENTER"> <IMG SRC="http://www.panix.com/~vjp2/vjbiz.jpg"></P>
Phil
vjp...@at.BioStrategist.dot.dot.com wrote:
>Thompson came pretty close
Horse shoes and hand grenades.... Horse shoes and hand grenades.
Phil
Phil
wrote:
>>>> How does being Jewish play any role in being mayor? Does it?
>>>It shouldn't play a role, but the result is the mayor of NYC is mosly
>>>Jewish.
>>
>> Coincidence?
>>
>There event of having the mayor of NYC being Jewish has too many occurances
>to be coincidence.
>
>It could mean that the voter of NYC feel that the Jews are more qualify to
>run the city but Bloomberg never had any experience when he was elected, so
>cross that out.
>
>It could mean that the voter of NYC feel that Jews are more intelligent but
>how do you judge intelligence? Money, college degree?, etc ... If the voter
>wanted college degree then PHD should be running. Let's cross out the
>college degree...
>Money...he has that but there are mayors who were elected who weren't
>billionaire, so lets cross that out.
>
>So why Jew?
I think you're going to have to research who all these mayors ran
against and look for a common denominator there. I can't imagine
religion being it.
Phil
DP
the common denominator of the candidates that didn't win? They weren't
Jewish?
Governor Swill
>But we know the result is that most mayor of NYC is Jewish. What could be
>the common denominator of the candidates that didn't win? They weren't
>Jewish?
Does it matter?
Swill
--
In the exam room . . .
Doctor: "Public Opt . . ."
Elephant: "SOCIALISM!"
Doctor: "Reflexes good."
Phil
wrote:
>>
>But we know the result is that most mayor of NYC is Jewish. What could be
>the common denominator of the candidates that didn't win? They weren't
>Jewish?
You're going to have to find your answers elsewhere....
Phil
DP
have no way of knowing it.
Slim
He never heard of Ghoulee? <snicker>