China Upgrade

[Dagny Westall]

potentialsolution 2

As another option, I have a SOCKS5 proxy available to circumvent the GFW for watching porn to access blocked resources from inside China, and I do know Git can be configured to use the socks:// protocol, but I unfortunately do not understand how and where to set up the configuration in Discourse, so that the pull processes of the Discourse launcher can use the proxy. I would like to avoid to do this with git config --global for the root user, but rather have this information in a config for the Discourse repos. Can anybody point me to how to achieve this?

I will write an in-depth guide here, as I assume there are more people out there going through this painful experience. Right now I am still facing issues with theme component repositories, so my rebuild has not succeeded yet, but I have passed at least all the plugin fetches.

For the ease of use (and their friendly pricing) I recommend setting up a Digital Ocean server in e.g. Singapore. Just use a standard Ubuntu server, go through all the basic security requirements configurations (SSH keypairs, UFW, et cetera), then install Shadowsocks:

You do not need to fuzz around with the systemd settings on the client machine, but keep separate config files for docker and regular use, as you might want to use the SOCKS5 proxy outside the context of docker, thus you would want to use 127.0.0.1 instead of the Docker accessible network addresses.

This is absolutely optional and depends on your taste; I prefer keeping the app.yml readable and short, and instead maintain components elsewhere. Give it any name according to your taste, I chose web.git.template.yml.

I still consider this as a workaround, not a production ready procedure, so maybe somebody has an idea of how to mirror the GitHub repo in China, to make this less painful. And as we all know, the intransparent mechanisms inside the GFW keep changing.

If anybody has an idea how to make this workaround production-ready, I appreciate your input. Discourse is fantastic software, but I assume one of the reasons for not being widely used in China is the cumbersome installation and maintenance processes. Trying to upgrade via GUI gave me a 100% failure rate within the last year, no matter which timeout settings I had configured in my nGinx reverse proxy.

Exactly. Since the main purpose of this instance is being part of a company intranet framework, HK unfortunately is not an option due to latency. Also, the (upcoming) client facing instances will be dealing with mainland users - as soon as I have figured out the Weixin authentication, so I need a workable solution for the mainland Aliyun zones.

China announced an ambitious action plan for industrial equipment upgrading, which aims to drive technological innovation and economic growth through extensive investment and regulatory support.

In facilitating technological advancement across industries, the action plan outlines several key support measures aimed at bolstering financial, regulatory, and resource-related aspects to create an enabling environment for enterprises to embrace innovation and upgrade their equipment and technologies. These are:

The action plan aligns with the broader vision of the Chinese government to promote large-scale equipment renewal and consumer goods trade-ins, unlocking a vast market worth trillions of yuan. As reiterated in the action plan, China aims to increase investment in equipment upgrades across sectors like industry and agriculture by 25 percent in 2027.

During a press conference, Zheng Shanjie, chairman of the National Development and Reform Commission (NDRC), highlighted that with the ongoing emphasis on high-quality development, demand for new equipment is projected to rise, aiming for an annual spending target of at least RMB5 trillion (approx. US$695.3 billion) by 2027.

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On 7 April 2022, the Upgrade to the New Zealand-China Free Trade Agreement entered into force. The Upgrade amended the 2008 FTA to align it with the latest trade policies, and business practices in areas of e-commerce, government procurement, environment and trade, and competition. It also eliminated further tariffs and reduced compliance measures for exporters.

The upgrade includes a new chapter on e-commerce that promotes and facilitates e-commerce, including through creating obligations on transparency, online consumer protection, and personal information protection.

A new government procurement chapter adds commitments on transparency and anti-corruption. The chapter also includes a commitment by China to enter into negotiations with New Zealand once it completes its accession to the World Trade Organisation (WTO) Agreement on government procurement or if it were to negotiate such provisions with another country.

A new chapter was added to the agreement to promote environmental protection and that environmental standards are not used for trade protectionist purposes. It builds upon and complements the existing environment cooperation agreement that was negotiated alongside the original free trade agreement. The chapter also provides for New Zealand and China to engage on a range of environment issues.

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"China always believes that military cooperation between states should be conducive to regional peace and stability, instead of targeting any third party or harming the interests of a third party," Liu Pengyu, spokesperson for the Chinese Embassy in Washington, said Tuesday via email to VOA.

A U.S. State Department spokesperson pushed back in an email to VOA's Korean Service on Wednesday. "The U.S.-Japan alliance has served as the cornerstone of peace, security and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific and across the world for over seven decades and has never been stronger," the spokesperson said.

White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan and his Japanese counterpart, Akiba Takeo, met at the White House on Tuesday to discuss "next steps to finalize key deliverables" that President Joe Biden and Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida will announce when they meet April 10 in Washington.

During a news briefing Monday in Tokyo, Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshimasa Hayashi said his country was in discussion with Washington about strengthening the command and control of their militaries to enhance readiness.

The discussion comes as Indo-Pacific Command chief Admiral John Aquilino told the U.S. House Armed Services Committee on March 20 that the Chinese People's Liberation Army is preparing to invade Taiwan by 2027.

Ralph Cossa, president emeritus and WSD-Handa chair in peace studies at the Pacific Forum, told VOA via email on Wednesday, "The time is long overdue to upgrade the command structure in Japan so that the U.S. and Japanese militaries can operate together more seamlessly" in the region.

The plan to restructure the command is meant to "strengthen operational planning and exercises" between the two and is seen as "a move to counter China," according to the Financial Times, which first reported about the plan on March 24.

James Schoff, senior director of the U.S.-Japan NEXT Alliance Initiative at the Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA, said, "This is probably the single most important step that the allies can take to enhance deterrence against regional threats and respond to any sort of major crisis."

"This is especially true at this moment as Japan prepares to stand up its first joint operational command and introduces longer-range counterstrike capabilities," he said via email to VOA on Wednesday.

Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi, senior nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council's Indo-Pacific Security Initiative in the Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security, said, "Although the details are yet to be determined, the plan is to enhance the USFJ's authority within INDOPACOM [U.S. Indo-Pacific Command]."

James Przystup, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute and its Japan chair specializing in alliance management in the Indo-Pacific, said the upgrades in U.S. military command in Japan "would serve to enhance U.S.-Japan defense cooperation and deterrence in Northeast Asia, both with respect to North Korea and China."

He continued via email to VOA on Wednesday, "As for what this might look like in practice, the U.S.-ROK Combined Forces Command could be one model, but not necessarily the one [into which it] eventually evolves."

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