Invisible Boy Chp. 3
M. Lafontaine
Chapter 3
Effects of Victimization on Males
Most of the literature on the impact of abuse has been written about
female victims and thus tends to reflect a female centered perspective.
There has become, in Fran Sepler’s words, a "feminization of
victimization" (1990). That is not to say that this literature cannot
be applied to male victims. There are likely more similarities than
differences between male and female victims.
Questions typically surface in discussions about victimization concerning
which gender suffers the greatest impact from abuse. Watkins and Bentovim
(1992) in a review of the literature were unable to find clear evidence that
either males or female victims are harmed more by their victimization
experiences. However, the question itself is self-defeating given the wide
range of peoples’ resilience and ability to cope, personal resources,
the availability of social supports, and individual differences,
to name only a few.
One problem that arises when trying to assess the impact of abuse of
either gender is separating out which consequences are immediate or
short-term reactions from those that are likely to be enduring.
Another problem is the difficulty of assessing impact for children
and youth who have experienced two or more types of maltreatment.
Individuals, family environments, developmental and cultural contexts
also differ widely, as do things such as previous levels of mental
and physical health or intellectual or cognitive functioning.
Further complicating the matter is the fact that most of the recent
research on impact has been conducted on sexual abuse victims and
survivors. Consequently, it is difficult to make generalized statements
about impact that apply to all victims, even of similar types of abuse.
Sexual Abuse
Numerous factors have been cited as contributing to an enduring or
harmful outcome: duration and frequency of abuse, penetration,
use of force, abuse by family members or other closely related person,
lack of support following disclosure, pressure to recant, multiple
other problems in the family, and younger age (Browne and Finkelhor,
1986; Conte and Schuerman, 1987; Finkelhor, 1979; Friedrich et al.,
1986; Russell and Finkelhor; Tsai et al., 1979). For males the added
dimension of not being able to disclose their abuse for fear of being
labeled "gay", a weakling, or a liar may amplify the effects of these
other factors. Even when males do disclose, few supports and services
are available and few professionals possess the skills and knowledge
necessary to work effectively with male victims.
It is widely assumed that males are more likely than females to "act out"
in response to their abuse. They develop social problem behaviours such
as sex offending, assault, conduct disorder, or delinquency, and appear to be
more inclined to engage in health-damaging behaviours such as smoking,
drug abuse, running away, or school problems leading to suspension
(Bolton, 1989; Friedrich et al. 1988; Kohan et al., 1987; Rogers and Terry,
1984).
Females are thought, generally, to internalize their response and "act in"
or develop more emotional problems, mood and somatic disorders, resort to
self-harming behaviours, and become vulnerable to further victimization.
Though there is some merit to this perspective, it does apply gender role
stereotypes, and is not consistent with current research on the impact of
abuse on males. Males, generally, may be just as likely to experience
depression as females, they just aren’t given much permission to express it.
Males are expected to be stoic and to just "snap out of it".
Males generally do not discuss their feelings or go to therapists for help
so they are not likely to show up in the statistics on depression. Because
boys have little permission to discuss their feelings, depression in males
may be masked as bravado, aggression, or a need to "act out" in order to
overcompensate for feelings of powerlessness. Depressed male victims are
also likely to be hiding in the statistics on suicide, addictions, and
unexplained motor vehicle fatalities. If males are indeed more likely
to engage in acting out behaviours it may simply be the result of
us not allowing them to be vulnerable or to be victims.
However, the literature does provide overwhelming evidence of emotional
disturbance in male victims. Anxiety,low self-esteem, guilt and shame,
strong fear reactions, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, withdrawal
and isolation, flashbacks, multiple personality disorder, emotional numbing,
anger and aggressiveness, hyper-vigilance, passivity, and an anxious need
to please others have all been documented (Adams-Tucker,1981; Blanchard,
1986; Briere, 1989; Briere et al., 1988; Burgess et al., 1981; Conte and
Schuerman, 1987;Rogers and Terry, 1984; Sebold, 1987; Summit, 1983;
Vander Mey, 1988). Compared to non-abused men,adult male survivors of
sexual abuse experience a greater degree of psychiatric problems such
as depression,anxiety, dissociation, suicidality, and sleep disturbance
(Briere et al., 1988).
Childhood sexual abuse has been found in the backgrounds of large numbers
of men incarcerated in federal prisons Diamond and Phelps, 1990; Spatz-Widom,
1989; Condy et al., 1987). Because males are more likely to be physically
and sexually abused concurrently, they may be more conditioned to see sex,
violence, and aggression as inseparable. This may provide us with clues to
explain why male victims appear to sexually abuse or assault others more
often than females, why their anger and frustration may be more other-directed
than girls, why boys appear to develop a stronger external locus of control,
and why they appear to possess a diminished sensitivity to the impact of
the abuse on their victims.
However, sexual offending is just one possible consequence for male victims.
Most do not become sex offenders (Becker, 1988; Condy et al., 1987;
Freeman-Longo, 1986; Friedrich et al. 1987; Friedrich and Luecke, 1988;
Groth, 1977; Kohan et al., 1987; Petrovich and Templer, 1984). Some males
become "sexualized" resulting in increased masturbation or preoccupation
with sexual thoughts or use of sexual language. Others develop fetishes
(Friedrich et al., 1987; Kohan et al., 1987).
Male victims experience a number of physical symptoms similar to females.
Common problems are sleep disturbances, eating disorders, self-mutilation,
engaging in unsafe sexual practices, nightmares, agoraphobia,
enuresis and encopresis, elevated anxiety, and phobias (Adams-Tucker, 1982;
Burgess et al., 1981; Dixon et al., 1978; Hunter, 1990; Langsley et al., 1968;
Spencer and Dunklee, 1986). Male victims also experience psycho-somatic
health problems normally associated with experiencing high levels of
chronic long-term stress, receive sexually transmitted diseases, and become
injured through rough touching, penetration or object insertion,or, in
extreme cases, are killed. In preschool boys and male infants, failure
to thrive, early and compulsive masturbation, hyperactivity, sexual
behaviour with pets, sexual touching of other children that re-enacts
the abuse, and regression in speech or language skills have been found
(Hewitt, 1990).
Being sexually abused can leave a young male with an inability to set
personal boundaries, a sense of hopelessness, and a proclivity to
engage in many types of careless or self-destructive behaviours such as
unprotected sex with high-risk partners. It is thus no surprise to
find that sexual abuse was also found in 42% of persons with HIV infection
(Allers and Benjack, 1991; Allers et al., 1993).
Johnson and Shrier (1987) found that males molested by males were more
likely than those molested by females to view themselves as being
"gay", a devalued status in North American society. In this same study,
female victimized males reported the impact of the abuse to be more severe,
possibly as a consequence of experiencing a reversal of stereotyped
gender roles which placed the female in the more powerful role.
One of the reasons why a male might be more affected by sexual abuse,
is that it calls into question his whole sexual and personal identity
"as a man". When a male is victimized he is more likely to experience
confusion about sexual identity (Johnson and Shrier, 1987; Rogers and Terry,
1984; Sebold, 1987). Male anatomy may play a key role in forming this
perception. Because male genitalia is external, arousal to direct
stimulation is more obvious. Obtaining an erection, experiencing
pleasurable sensations, or having an orgasm is, to the male victim,
physical "evidence" that he is homosexual. It also reinforces the male
victim’s mistaken belief that he was responsible in some way because
he "obviously" enjoyed it. Contrary to popular belief, a male can
have an erection and achieve orgasm even when fearful.
Many male victims experience difficulties in intimate relationships
as a result of being abused. They have few, if any, close friends,
are promiscuous, have difficulty maintaining fidelity with partners,
form few secure attachments, and often become involved in short-term,
abusive, and dysfunctional relationships. Many experience few
emotionally or physically satisfying sexual relationships and
sometimes avoid sex altogether. Others become sexual compulsives,
develop sexual dysfunctions, or engage in prostitution
(Coombs, 1974; Dimock, 1988; Fromuth and Burkhart, 1989;
Johnson and Shrier, 1987; Krug, 1989; Lew, 1990;
Sarrel and Masters, 1982; Steele and
Alexander, 1981; Urquiza, 1993).