Re: Mon Impression : Checkmate Tome 1 Quot;Le Jeu Des Rois Quot;
Kian Trip
This position arose on 25 November 1962 in a game between C.J.S. Purdy and O. Sarapu on board one of a match by teleprinter between Sydney and Auckland. We quote from pages 16 and 32 of Chess World, February 1963:
Below, from page 1 of the 1 January 1949 issue of Chess World, is a remark by Purdy at the start of a letter to the editor from J. Hibbert, as quoted in C.N. 1622 (see page 246 of Chess Explorations):
As shown in C.N. 10171, George Koltanowski had presented the same set of quotes, also without any sources, in a newspaper column about nine months previously. We should particularly like to know more about the remark attributed to Purdy.
The Abrahams v Thynne brilliancy was discussed in C.N.s 3158 and 3167 (see pages 278-279 of Chess Facts and Fables), but we have not yet quoted C.J.S. Purdy on the game. He annotated it on pages 315-316 of the Australasian Chess Review, 12 November 1936 with this introduction:
I have endeavoured, where possible, to give thestory in the words of each individual ambassador orannalist, in order to preserve, if it might be, the atmosphereof the times, in a manner unattainable by ourmodern phraseology. In most instances, I have beencareful to reproduce even the eccentricities of thespelling in the English documents quoted, but inothers, where I have given somewhat lengthy extractsfrom our chroniclers, the spelling has been modernisedto avoid tedium.
Though I focus on debunking pacifism in service of revolutionary goals, in this book I include quotes from pacifists working for limited reforms in addition to quotes from people working for total social transformation. At first, this may seem like I am building a straw-man argument; however, I include the words or actions of reformist pacifists only in reference to campaigns where they worked together closely with revolutionary pacifists and the quoted material has relevance to all involved, or in reference to social struggles cited as examples proving the effectiveness of nonviolence in achieving revolutionary ends. It is difficult to distinguish between revolutionary and non-revolutionary pacifists, because they themselves tend not to make that distinction in the course of their activity-they work together, attend protests together, and frequently use the same tactics at the same actions. Because shared commitment to nonviolence, and not shared commitment to a revolutionary goal, is the chief criterion for nonviolent activists in deciding whom to work with, those are the boundaries I will use in defining these criticisms.
The number of times people quote King is one of the most off-putting things for most black folk because they know how much his life was focused on the race struggle...and when you actually read King, you tend to wonder why the parts critical of white people, which are the majority of the things he said and wrote, never get quoted.[57]
Activists rarely get more than two-line quotes or ten-second clips in the corporate media. The nonviolent activists exemplified in this skit waste their fleeting spotlight by going on the defensive; making their issue secondary to the concerns of the elite (property destruction by protesters); seemingly admitting weakness, failure, and disorganization to the public (by simultaneously taking responsibility for other protesters while bemoaning failure to control them); and, not least of all, backstabbing allies in public and dividing the movement.[172] That exchange should have looked like this:
Quite evidently, the state is more afraid of militant groups than nonviolent groups, and I have used this as evidence that militant groups are more effective. The state understands that it has to react more forcefully and energetically to neutralize militant revolutionary movements. I have heard quite a few nonviolent activists turn this very fact on its head to argue that nonviolent attempts at revolution are more effective because militant attempts will be savagely repressed (and in other chapters I have quoted these activists to show that their primary concern is their own safety). True, the path to revolution envisioned by militant activists is much more dangerous and difficult than the one envisioned by pacifists, but it also has the advantage of being realistic, unlike the pacifist fantasy. But this logical juggling is worth examining.
9 Frank Budgen, "Going Forth By Day," Two Decades of Joyce Criticism, ed. Seon Givens (New York, 1948), p. 352. Budgen is here quoting from Joyce's letter of 9 September 1937: Letters, I, 396. See note 2 above.
Le Fanu, in varying the manner in which he applies his death-imagery to the figure of Silas, displays some subtelty, for the villain is rarely allowed to appear simply as sensational; references surround him in one form or another. Apart from the naturalistic details, and the metaphors of death which Maud progressively ascribes to him, a series of literary allusions continue the preoccupation with death, and extend its reference beyond Silas himself. His servant is described as a struldbrugg, that is, one of the creatures from Swift's Gulliver's Travels whose existence, having no end, effectively converts life into death. Another Irish allusion conveys an even more transcendental implication, when Maud mentally quotes a poem of Thomas Moore's in response to a glimpse of Silas:
49Heaven and Hell (London, 1958, trans. J. C. Ager), paragraph 65. All quotations from Swedenborg in this chapter are taken from this edition, henceforth cited as Heaven and Hell, with paragraph numbers.
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