CONTRA-REALISM
contracorriente
Contracorriente: m.val...@telefonica.net
<mailto: m.val...@telefonica.net>
Diffuse from Pimienta Negra, http://pimientanegra.cjb.net
ROBERT KURZ
CONTRA-REALISM
The ideological control semantics is dominated by those who show the power
to define what the " reality " is.
The social conflicts also are always a fight for concepts, for the
definition power about the way the problems can be approached. It could
also be said that the problems are defined, almost naturally, in accordance
with the criteria of the logic of the dominant system. The concepts assume
then the corresponding colour to the chameleons aspect. It doesn't exist an
expressed prohibition or a censorship, because the mechanism of the concepts
construction and the process of the definition flow in a subtler way. A
certain speech form is manifested in a certain way and, suddenly, everybody
begins to speak the same language, seemingly with deep conviction. Mainly in
the socio-economic plane, it has been instituted in the scientific
investigation, in the media and in the political class a general regulation
of the speech, a speech of the consent" that works in a much more rigid way
because it has not been fixed administratively.
This situation is based on the fact that the science, the media and the
politics cannot work in a way so stupid and automatic like the invisible
hand of the market. They institute the subjective side in relationship to
the objective laws of the system. Thus the conformity with the capitalist
imperatives is never given by itself, but rather has to be produced in a
discursive process. An essential function of this speech consists on the
participants line up themselves ones against others basing in the capitalist
meteorological bulletin, to which is necessary to adapt all the social and
cultural relationships. The regulation of the speech serves precisely for
that. In such a sense, science, media and political class constitute a kind
of cartel that keeps vigil so that nobody leaves the rails. A general frame
is instituted where on one side, the own clientele is entangled in the
marketing verbosity, and on the other is held by the brake.
The semantics of the ideological control is dominated by those who show the
basic power to define what the "reality" is and, in consequence, the "
Realpolitik " [realistic politics]. The cartel semantic dominant today has
erected in principle of the reality the demands of the capitalist
administration of the crisis and has redefined, in correspondence, the
concept of reform. The old and social "pathos, emancipator of the
reformist, just as it was constituted in the course of the historical
development, of the collective engagement, of the state of well-being and
of the public service, is now, precisely, on the contrary, instrumented for
the contra-reformation. The campaigns of privatisation and social
restrictions are subordinated to the motto: "We are the modernity". The more
private, the cheaper and the better.
Everybody worries for the possibility about making the "reformations"
against the eternal past". The commitment for the conformation of the
society" is intended. For example: does the expense decreased in a 5% or
10%? Does a hospital or a nursery have to be closed? Do the benefits of the
sick persons of cancer or the handicapped have to be eliminated? Does any
benefit increase in 1%, but the taxes are tripled in any other point?
"Improvements for people is called now any deterioration level where it is
possible to descend, with reformer's gesture. The political fight is limited
to know who has more ability to sell the cuttings more and more hard. The
political left is threatened to be reduced to the insignificance if it
doesn't do " convincing reforms ". The electorate will -this way is
allowed to glimpse the semantics of the control overflows of " realism "
and citizens' maturity if it is avid in fact of low wages, of the
destruction of the social security system, and of privatisations.
This dominant regulation of the speech is as worn out as the announcement of
an imminent progress, insistently repeated since many years ago. If the
things continue thus, the word " reformer ", before respectable, will be in
danger of becoming a vulgar offence with which the average man will
designate a bad neighbour or an aggressive dog. The brainwashing doesn't
always work. The dominant power of definition of the reality can be broken
by a wide contra-realism. In this sense, an extensive and deep campaign
against the project of low wages would be a Kulturkampf [cultural fight], an
offensive for a civilized level, much more than a simple social politics in
the limits of the political arithmetic. A contra- "Realpolitik, that
relentlessly questioned the whole ramifications, bends and complicities of
the repressive administration of the social security and of the work, would
have the possibility to be successful in the masses level.
This is applied, in the first place, to a serious fight for the maintenance
of the public services as part of a minimum standard of life. People are
fed up with the railroads by shares, the mail by shares, and the threat of
the water by shares, as of the medications of second class and the system of
cheap (no) teaching. The "contra-fire" (Pierre Bourdieu) doesn't have to be
the eternal return to the past of the state bureaucratic tradition. A
concept of public service is also conceivable under the form of self-managed
societies without lucrative aims that would be those in charged of directing
the infrastructures. The orientation toward a value of public use would not
be beyond the form of the value, but it would be a moment of emancipating
transformation.
If the capitalism cannot maintain the civilization level, neither has to be
accepted with reverences. On the contrary, the conclusion should be reached
that the capitalism accepts less and less the human beings. The necessity
of ways of organized representation of those socially excluded of the
citizenship won't be easily resolved as it happened to the refugees of the
Second World War, absorbed by the economic miracle", but rather, on the
contrary, it will increase; and not only in East Germany. The arithmetic of
the semantic and political dominant cartel cannot give them voice, can only
direct its voice toward the gear of the nationalist and racist resentment.
Let us say the truth: it is not to announce the faith in the state, but the
personal responsibility, a responsibility in the non-bureaucratic sense of
an autonomous social contra-movement, and not in the sense of a faith in the
market, strongly authoritarian and happily resigned.
Title original: " Gegenrealismus ", published in Neues Deutschland, Berlin,
October 2002.
Translation to Portuguese: Josi Paulo Vaz.
Spanish version: Round Desk.
Translation into English: COMUNISTES de CATALUNYA
**************************
If you didn't want to receive our documents, send a message to
m.val...@telefonica.net <mailto: m.val...@telefonica.net> saying that
you want to unsubscribe.