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Indian Constitution In Kannada Pdf Free Download

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Yuko Willian

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Dec 28, 2023, 1:28:47 AM12/28/23
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State minister for Social Welfare, HC Mahadevappa, said, "The citizens need to discharge their basic duties as are enshrined in our Constitution. Hence, across schools and colleges, the reading of the Preamble to the Constitution is being arranged to make children aware of the ideals and principles that went into making it while also informing them of the constitutional responsibilities."


According to sources, the government has made it mandatory for students and teachers at all educational institutions of the state to read the Preamble during the morning prayers and take an oath to adopt and incorporate the constitutional principles in their everyday lives.



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Petition to challenge the constitutionality of a "capitation fee" imposed by private medical colleges, charging higher tuition to students that are not admitted to "government seats"; Whether the Indian Constitution guarantees a right to education; Whether such fees violate Art. 14 of the Constitution; Whether there was a violation of the provisions of the Karnataka Educational Institutions (Prohibition of Capitation Fee) Act; Relationship between the right to life and the right to education; Relationship between the dignity of man and the right to education; Equality Rights; Directive Principles; State Action/Agency.


This petition was brought to challenge the constitutionality of imposing a "capitation fee" (a fee based on the number of persons to whom a service is provided, rather than the actual cost of providing a service) on those people who wanted to enter a private medical school and were not admitted to the "government seats". These seats are reserved by the Government of India for members of communities that are explicitly recognized by the Indian Constitution as requiring support to overcome historic discrimination, or other groups designated by the government. The private medical school charged Rs. 2.000 for students admitted to "government seats", but Rs. 25.000 for those not admitted to "government seats" from within the state and Rs. 60.000 for students not admitted to "government seats" from a different state. The main issues at stake were whether there is a "right to education" guaranteed to the people of India under the Constitution and whether the charging of capitation fees violates this right and/or the equality clause in Article 14 of the Constitution.


The Supreme Court held that although the right to education as such has not been guaranteed as a fundamental right under the Constitution, it becomes clear from the Preamble of the Constitution and its Directive Principles, contained in section IV, that the framers of the Constitution intended the State to provide education for its citizens. The court then relates the Directive Principle of Article 14 which requires that the state attempt to implement the right to education within its economic capacity. The court then reasons that this principle creates a constitutional right to education because education is essential to the fulfillment of the fundamental rights of dignity and life. The court links the right to education to the right to life by reasoning that to sustain life a human being requires the fulfilment of all the enabling rights which create life of dignity. In doing this, the court pointed to numerous cases which held that the right to life encompassed more than life and limb, but also dignity and the necessities of life, such as nutrition, clothing shelter, and literacy. Without dignity, the court explains, the right to life is not fulfilled. It was the court's opinion that one is only able to obtain a dignified life in India through education, making education fundamental to the right to life, and therefore an obligation of the State to fulfil.


In any typical attack on churches, the first thing that vigilantes do to disrupt prayers, is to demand from the believers, their family names and the caste in which they are born into. The situation soon escalates, as they abuse the pastor and believers by using derogatory words and phrases that insult people based on their castes and casteist stereotypes. These statements are an assault on the constitutional provision of prohibition of untouchability and on the dignity of the individual.


However, the broad emancipatory vision which underlies Article 25 was not understood by the judiciary in its 1977 decision in Rev Stanislaus v State of Madhya Pradesh4 (delivered in the backdrop of the emergency) which narrowed down the broadly phrased constitutional freedom to propagate.


The report notes that as responsible citizens, silence will cost us the remains of our secular democracy. To protect our constitutional values of equality, dignity, fraternity, the following questions must be asked to our fellow citizens, our media, our judiciary, our legislature and our government:






The constitution protects freedom of religion, mandates a secular state, requires the state to treat all religions impartially, and prohibits discrimination on the basis of religion. It also states citizens must practice their faith in a way that does not adversely affect public order, morality, or health. Six out of 29 state governments had and enforced anticonversion laws. In clashes with Sikhs protesting the desecration of their holy book by unknown assailants, police killed two protesters, and 80 others were injured. Police disrupted church services and arrested Christians on charges of forced conversions and disturbing the peace. Minority religious groups expressed concerns about government discrimination and suggestions by government officials that Hinduism should be taught in public schools. Government officials at the federal, state, and local level made discriminatory statements against members of religious minority groups. Members of minority groups who were victims of religiously motivated violence or other animus complained of police inaction regarding such incidents. Attackers frequently acted with impunity, and, according to some victims, police resisted filing criminal complaints and in several instances threatened to falsely incriminate the victims. In February Prime Minister Narendra Modi pledged he would ensure "complete freedom of faith" in the country.


Subject to considerations of public order, morality, and health, the constitution provides for freedom of conscience and the right of all individuals freely to profess, practice, and propagate religion, and mandates a secular state. It prohibits government discrimination on the basis of religion, including with regard to employment, as well as any religiously-based restrictions on individuals' access to public or private facilities or establishments open to the general public. The constitution states religious groups have the right to establish and maintain institutions for religious and charitable purposes, manage their own affairs in religious matters, and own, acquire, and administer property. It prohibits compelling anyone to pay taxes to promote or maintain any specific religion. National and state laws make freedom of religion "subject to public order, morality, and health."


The constitution states any reference to Hinduism is construed as containing a reference to Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism. Subsequent legislation recognizes Buddhism, Sikhism, and Jainism as separate religions. State governments have the power to grant minority status to religious groups that are minorities in a particular region and designate them as minorities under the law in that state. Federal law provides minority community status for six religious groups: Muslims, Sikhs, Christians, Parsis, Jains, and Buddhists. The constitution states the government will protect the existence of religious minorities and encourage conditions for the promotion of their individual identities.


"Personal status laws" are applicable only to certain religious communities in matters of marriage, divorce, adoption, and inheritance. The government grants significant autonomy to personal status law boards in drafting these laws. Law boards are selected by community leaders; there is no formal process and selection varies across communities. Hindu, Christian, Parsi, and Islamic personal status laws are legally recognized and judicially enforceable. These laws, however, do not supersede national- and state-level legislative powers or constitutional provisions. If the law boards cannot offer satisfactory solutions, the case is referred to the civil courts.


The constitution allows affirmative action for the Scheduled Caste or Scheduled Tribe communities, and the law subsequently added the "Other Backward Class" (castes deemed to be socially and educationally disadvantaged) category to those groups eligible for affirmative action. Since the constitution specifies no one who is not a Hindu, Sikh, or Buddhist shall be deemed a member of a Scheduled Caste, such affirmative action benefits only include Christian and Muslim groups who would otherwise have been considered members of the Scheduled Caste community due to their social and economic status.


In October the Chhattisgarh High Court ruled that the resolutions passed by approximately 50 village councils in Bastar district between May and July 2014 banning non-Hindu religious "propaganda," prayers, and speeches in their villages did not block non-Hindus' fundamental constitutional right to preach and propagate religion.


In July the Maharashtra Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) announced it would classify students attending madrassahs as "out of school" children and would not recognize the madrassah studies as formal education, which is constitutionally mandated for all children 6-14 years old. For students to be considered "actively enrolled," madrassahs would have to teach three nonreligious courses for each religious course, according to state requirements. This requirement applied to all religious schools in the state, but Muslim community leaders and educational institutions said they objected to the ruling because the officials conducted the survey of the madrassahs during the month of Ramadan, when the madrassahs were closed. Muslim community leaders stated they saw the announcement as an attempt by the state government to control madrassahs and an infringement of their constitutional right to run educational institutions of their choice.

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