Continuing the discussion: Mail from AIIMS student

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J.J Philipose

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May 30, 2006, 10:37:04 AM5/30/06
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: Dr. Philipose Joshua <pjos...@yahoo.com>
Date: May 25, 2006 11:26 AM
Subject: Fwd: [alagin] Fw: Mail from AIIMS student
To: jjphi...@gmail.com


"Aqualine, Allahabad" <aqua...@sancharnet.in> wrote:
To: ala...@yahoogroups.com
From: "Aqualine, Allahabad" <aqua...@sancharnet.in>
Date: Wed, 24 May 2006 19:20:45 +0530
Subject: [alagin] Fw: Mail from AIIMS student

This being a burning issue for todays youth I thought I would forward this. The idea proposed by this AIIMS student has great  merit - but will it pass through the one track mind of our politicians?
 
Ivan.  

 
Beyond Caste
Why only caste? Reserve seats in educational institutions on the basis of schooling, gender and family income. That is the affirmative way to ensure social justice. Purushottam Agrawal opens a critical discussion
Purushottam Agrawal
The Indian government's intention of introducing caste based quotas for the "Other Backward Classes" in centrally funded institutions of higher learning and the prime minister's suggestion to the private sector to 'voluntarily go in for reservation', has once again sparked off a debate on the merits and demerits of caste-based reservations. Unfortunately, the predictable divide between the votaries of "social justice" on one hand and those advocating "merit" on the other seems to have once again camouflaged the real issues. It is necessary to take a holistic and non-partisan view of the issues involved.
The hue and cry about "sacrificing merit" is untenable simply because merit is after all a social construct and it cannot be determined objectively in a historically unjust and unequal context. The idea of competitive merit will be worthy of serious attention only in a broadly egalitarian context. But then, caste is not the only obstacle in the way of an egalitarian order.
After all, economic conditions, educational opportunities and discrimination on the basis of gender also contribute to the denial of opportunity to express one's true merit and worth. It is interesting to note that in the ongoing debate, one side refuses to see the socially constructed nature of the notion of merit, while the other side refuses to recognise the multiplicity of the mechanisms of exclusion with equal vehemence.
The idea of caste-based reservations is justified by the logic of social justice. This implies the conscious attempt to restructure a given social order in such a way that individuals belonging to the traditionally and structurally marginalised social groups get adequate opportunities to actualise their potential and realise their due share in the resources available.
In any society, particularly in one as diverse and complex as the Indian society, this is going to be a gigantic exercise and must not be reduced to just one aspect of state policy. Seen in this light, caste-based reservation has to work in tandem with other policies ensuring the elimination of the structures of social marginalisation and denial of access. It has to be seen as a means of achieving social justice and not an end in itself. By the same logic it must be assessed and audited from time to time like any other social policy and economic strategy.
 
Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat school in Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon School on an equal footing, even if both of them belong to the same caste?
Hence, it is important, to discuss reservation in the holistic context of much required social restructuring and not to convert it into a fetish of 'political correctness'. Admittedly, caste remains a social reality and a mechanism of oppression in Indian society. But can we say that caste is the only mechanism of oppression? Can we say with absolute certainty that poverty amongst the so-called upper castes has been eradicated? Can we say that the regions of Northeast, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh are on par with the glittering metros of Delhi and Mumbai? Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat school in Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon School on an equal footing, even if both of them belong to the same caste group? One of my students once remarked that he was regularly compelled to swim across a rivulet in order to reach his school, and the rivulet in question did not distinguish between Brahmins and dalits. Incidentally, this young man happens to be a Brahmin by birth! Can we also say that gender plays no role in denial of social opportunities? After all, this society discriminates against girls even before they are born. What to talk of access or opportunities, they're denied birth itself. Such discrimination exists across religious and caste lines.
Moreover, the question is: do we want to eliminate caste as a factor of social relations and political processes or do we want to perpetuate it forever? Is it not true that by treating caste as the only medium of oppression and hence by focusing all remedial measures on caste alone, we have only added to the longevity of caste as the determining factor of social identity? Individuals have been virtually turned into the epitomes of the caste of their birth — denying the multiple identities that every individual perforce carries. This also helps the powerful amongst the generally disempowered sections to corner most of the benefits of caste-based reservation. Caste, which in reality is only one of the features of identity at the individual level and the manifestation of an abhorrent social order at the social and structural level, has been turned into the essential identity of individual citizens. Such a situation helps only those politicians who are in search of shortcuts to power. It is harmful for the cause of a modern social democracy as well as to the cause of individuals in need of social justice and related affirmative action.
There seems to be a deliberate attempt to mislead public opinion by projecting caste-based reservation as the only form of affirmative action. Affirmative action has to "affirm" the social will to rectify unjust structures and practices in existence. Any society has a multiplicity of such structures and practices. Any programme of affirmative action has to tackle all these factors and not elevate any one factor to the level of a political "fetish".
I hereby propose a model of affirmative action that I will call miraa — Multiple Index Related Affirmative Action. As the name suggests, this model will take into account several factors when a candidate is considered for admission or employment.
In the specific situation of our country, miraa will consist of the following indices:
1. Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4. Kind of schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent his/her formative years
6. Status as a first generation learner/educational achievement in the family
Let me explain how this system will work. There will be no pre-fixed quotas. miraa will be operative on hundred percent of the available seats for education or employment. Suppose there is a 100-mark scale for entry to a college/organisation. These 100 marks can be distributed amongst entrance test, interview, and academic performance as per the wishes of the institution in question. First and foremost, all candidates would be ranked on this hundred mark scale, depending on their performance in the entrance test, interview etc. Then miraa would be applied and each candidate irrespective of their caste can potentially benefit from it, due to the different indices, which make up the system.
The maximum points a person can get under miraa are 30 and the minimum is 0. Now the candidate's miraa subscore is added to the score s/he achieved in the admission process described above. This will be the total score. The candidates whose total score clears the cut-off for a particular subject/job will then be offered the position. (see boxes on facing page)
Hence, this system does take into account both the qualification of the individual as well as the demands of social and economic justice. Unlike the quota/percentage system which confines the social justice mechanism only to a fraction of the available vacancies, miraa brings each and every seat under the ambit of social and economic justice.
This proposal doesn't take into account the religion of the applicant, as it is based upon the realisation the ubiquitous nature of the institution of caste in Indian society. Hence, the members of marginalised and disempowered communities across the religious spectrum will get due benefits.
For example, a Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be awarded any points under caste index while an Ansari or a Salmani will get points in accordance with obc status. The same logic applies to Christians and others as well. I request the reader to think, consider and react to miraa.
The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi
May 13 , 2006
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Kiran.G

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May 30, 2006, 12:00:10 PM5/30/06
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Hai Guys,

               Very Interesting.Let us talk about social reality.For us keralites,the reality in the north is a big shock.In Kerala,eventhough OBC's have made huge strides,the upper castes haven't really suffered that much.The situation in north india is totally different.The business class(the so called vaishyas in the chaturvarna system)are really well off,both in terms of economy as well as in education(which is why when u go thru the results of any all india entrance,u see many guptas and aggarwals in the list).But the situation of the so called "godly" class is really pathetic.Statistics may not tell u everything,but it doesn't lie.More than 50% of rickshawallas in S.Delhi are brahmins.I read that nearly 40% of the employees in the Sulabh Sauchyalaya are brahmins and did not really believe it,until i recently found that the two guys from sulabh who clean my part of the hostel daily are brahmins.There was another news item today in cnn-ibn which mentioned that 1600 of approx 5000 applications for sweepers in the corporation of lucknow are from brahmin candidates and what more,they are actually ignorant of the fact that they will never get the job because their caste is too high!

             Nobody denies that caste is a reality in India.It was a way of life for centuries and is not easy to wipe away thru a single generation.When i used to fight with my grandparent's generation over extremely retrospective caste based thoughts and actions,i failed to realise that they lived at a time when nearly 80% of the population in kerala were not allowed to enter temples and what more it was morally and religiously accepted to be the right thing to do! At the same time there is no doubt that the web of casteism is slowly,but surely breaking(the no: of inter caste marriages is surely one indicator)These present decisions certainly are not going to help in that regard.I am sure that from next year onwards i would be inclined to think of my junior's
  caste as well(I am sure i wouldn't be able to help it)

           If i had any doubts whether the present yuga is "kaliyuga"[my doubts started when the pommies won the ashes],arjun singh has succeeded in dispelling it.
                                                                                                                       kiran.g                                                                                         
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