Re: Functional English Grammar Graham Lock Pdf Free Download
Jemima Torguson
Another approach sees language first and foremost as a system of communication and analyzes grammar to discover how it is organized to allow speakers and writers to make and exchange meanings. Rather than insisting on a clear distinction between grammatical and ungrammatical forms, the focus is usually on the appropriateness of a form for a particular communicative purpose in a particular context. The primary concern is with the functions of structures and their constituents and with their meanings in context. A grammarian interested in this kind of description is likely to use data from authentic texts (the term text is used here for both spoken and written language) in specific contexts.
The former approach to grammatical analysis is often called formal, while the latter approach is normally called functional. The two approaches are not, of course, mutually exclusive. Formal analyses must at some stage take account of meaning and function, and functional analyses must at some stage take account of form. However, most descriptions of grammar can be located primarily within one or the other of these two approaches.
In analyzing the voice of this sentence, both formal and functional grammarians would agree in calling it a passive voice sentence. However, a formal grammarian would be primarily interested in finding the best abstract representation of the structure of the sentence and in how it might be related to the structure of the active voice sentence:
For example, rules can be set out to show how sentence 1 may be derived from sentence la. These would specify (1) the movement of the constituent the law faculty to a position at the end of the sentence following the preposition by; (2) the movement of the constituent me to the front of the sentence and its change in form to /; and (3) the change from had . . . rejected (an active form of the verb) to had . . . been rejected (a passive form of the verb).
It is also true that the practice exercises in many textbooks of the 1950s, 1960s, and even 1970s typically involved manipulation of sentence-level structures, with little or no context. In some cases, the exercises could be successfully completed without the learners even understanding the meanings of the forms they were manipulating.
Brillman & Hirsch (to appear) demonstrate this with the following data on English that-trace effects. In (1), we see that object extraction out of embedded clauses allows the embedded complementizer that to be pronounced. Conversely subject extraction out of embedded clauses does not allow pronunciation of that, unless an adverbial phrase is inserted between embedded Spec TP and embedded C (Bresnan 1972; Culicover 1993).
They therefore argue that subjects move directly from the embedded Spec TP to the matrix clause, without stopping in Spec CP. This step requires the complementizer to be unpronounced (on a linearization theory of phases (Fox & Pesetsky 2005)).
I know of one earlier argument that Anti-locality constrains A-movement, namely from Deal (2019). She proposes that we see Anti-locality effects in Nez Perce applicative unaccusatives. There, the theme argument raises over the applicative argument to receive ergative case. She argues that the theme must move across the applicative argument here because the applicative argument is trapped in Spec ApplP; movement from Spec ApplP to Spec vP is too short (Figure 1).
Many researchers have independently argued for a VoiceP, which, following Collins (2005) and Merchant (2007), might be projected above the external argument. This configuration would license movement to Spec TP with no violation. This paper will henceforth assume that Voice is indeed between the external argument and T, and argue that one of the differences between middle clauses and active/passive clauses is that middles lack this VoiceP layer. This proposal follows from the observation that it is uncommon for middles to have any special voice morphology, as will be discussed in section 2.
The focus of this paper is A-movement of objects in a variety of constructions, and whether these constructions require additional projections, a phenomenon which I will call a facilitation effect. As we will see, adverbs are not the only sorts of projections that can affect movement possibilities in these constructions. I will therefore refer to any optional projection crucial to the well-formedness of constructions such as the middle as a facilitator. I will claim that we see facilitation effects in some A-movement constructions but not others due to structural differences between them.
To keep these notions separate, I will use the term syntactic middle (or s-middle) to describe any sentence with the syntactic structure of interest in this paper, irrespective of whether it is generic or has other semantic features associated with middles. For example, (5) shows two Italian reflexive sentences with a fronted internal argument that have been argued by many authors to be syntactically identical (Authier & Reed 1996; Ackema & Schoorlemmer 2002; Lekakou 2005). Those with semantic notions of middle in mind have called (5a) a passive and (5b), a middle, due to the fact that one is episodic and the other, generic. However, given their syntactic identity, I will refer to both as s-middles.
The study of facilitation effects in s-middles pertains to whether removal of a facilitator in either (5a,b) results in ungrammaticality. Some Romance languages have examples like (5a,b) that have been argued not to require facilitation. English middles, however, always require a facilitator, even when they have episodic interpretations.
The aim of this paper is to show how a lack of structure can be used as a predictor for facilitation effects in different constructions. Throughout the analysis, I will propose and make use of a revised notion of Anti-locality that builds on previous versions in the literature. The motivation for this revision will be discussed in sections 2 and 4.
I propose a two step derivation in s-middle formation in which the object moves to Spec vP en route to Spec TP. The claim is that both of these steps involve too-local movement unless extra projections are present which can obviate the Anti-locality effect. S-middles inherently lack the two projections that would normally license movement in passives, i.e. VoiceP and the external argument, so s-middles require adverbial phrases or projections such as negation to be inserted (Figure 3).
This approach correctly predicts positional restrictions on the possible facilitators that license s-middles and their interaction with various sorts of predicates. Additionally, on this theory, the apparent differences in facilitation requirements for s-middles cross-linguistically follow as differences in the morphological realization of s-middles in different languages. In particular, languages that have a reflexive in their s-middle constructions will require less facilitation than English s-middles do, because the reflexive argument is extra structure in the clause.
Since unaccusatives are also agentless clauses, this account will also make predictions for the movement patterns of objects in unaccusative clauses. However I will argue that unaccusatives are derivationally different from s-middles and passives by allowing movement of the internal argument to Spec TP in one fell swoop. This difference is due to the fact that unaccusatives are syntactically and semantically agent-less and lack the relevant v head that triggers movement to its edge. This will be discussed in section 5. Finally, additional discussion about previous work on facilitators and the base position of subjects in s-middles can be found in section 6.
In line with this formulation, the types of objects that I will argue affect movement possibilities include both functional heads on the clausal spine as well as specifiers such as the external argument. Adjuncts are also claimed to affect movement possibilities, and will therefore be assumed to have one of these representations. The trees in this paper all have adjuncts as specifiers, but note that nothing hinges on this choice, provided that adjuncts are a part of the same numeration as non-optional elements.
I will additionally argue that head movement reduces movement possibilities by expanding the domain of the moving head. The precise proposal will be outlined in section 4. In the meantime, assume that if an X0 moves to another head Y0, a moving constituent α must cross another constituent in addition to both the base and landing positions of X0 (Figure 4).
Throughout my discussion of object movement, I will assume that the object moves through Spec vP en route to Spec TP. I will further assume that external arguments are introduced in Spec vP, and Voice is the locus of passive/active morphology (Collins 2005; Merchant 2007).
We can see in Figure 5 that passives should never need facilitation in any domain because movement is already licensed by the structure. Whether or not V moves to v, the presence of the external argument is enough to facilitate movement of the object to Spec vP. The VoiceP facilitates the second step to Spec TP.2
To summarize, while an unpronounced agent in a passive clause can control a PRO in a purpose clause and be referenced by an agent-oriented adverb, the implicit agent of a s-middle cannot. On the basis of these tests, I conclude that agents are not syntactically active in s-middles but they are in passives, a conclusion taken up in Fagan (1992), Ackema & Schoorlemmer (1995; 2002), Marelj (2004) and others.4
On this approach to s-middles, there is no logical connection between s-middles and passives, and we might expect to find languages that lack passives but exhibit s-middles. Buli is a candidate for such a language. Buli is claimed not to have a passive, preferring to insert an impersonal subject when an English speaker might use the passive. However, there appear to be transitivity alternations with a restricted set of verbs that yield passive-like interpretations.5
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