Indian Foreign Policy Class 12

[Yoshi Heffernan]

TheHamilton Lugar School of Global & International Studies at Indiana University is a leader in the study of international affairs. We make the world a better place by engaging with its governments, businesses, laws, and nonprofit sectors, and we pursue innovations and solutions from the strong foundation of a Big Ten research university.

Complete an international relations degree with any of our 6 majors, 9 minors, and 6 certificate programs, or combine your HLS studies with any other IU program across our several colleges and schools for an interdisciplinary learning experience tailored to your goals.

Our undergraduate, graduate, and certificate programs open realms of possibility and discovery. You can pursue direct involvement in foreign policy or combine a HLS program with any other IU major to prepare for the exact career that drives your passion.

We teach more languages than any other university in the United States, with more than 80 program offerings from regions across the globe. We are distinct among international relations schools for our dedication to deep cultural fluency and our broad scope of cultural investment, from Arabic to Mongolian to Zulu.

From your earliest days on campus, you will have access to career development workshops and programs dedicated to your professional prospects. We offer one-on-one coaching, a mentoring program, and events with experts, recruiters, and HLS alumni. You can earn a competitive internship and carry your international politics degree into an impactful career with organizations like the United Nations, the Peace Corps, and the US Department of State.

School-, university-, and government-funded financial aid is available for tuition, Scholarships funded by the school, university, and government are available for tuition, internships, and study abroad.

Build your expertise through a flexible and diverse curriculum, which includes core areas of study examining leadership, decision-making, data analytics, economics, geopolitics, and research methods. You will enroll in six courses (24 credits) within the following core areas:

Open doors to new professional possibilities through the study of a language. Our robust language studies program, emphasizing current political and economic topics, trains you to achieve proficiency in a non-native language. Students must complete proficiency in a language outside of their native tongues.

Gain hands-on experience and explore a current global issue by participating in a study trip, meet with alumni working in your target organization or industry during a career trek, or use this time to recharge and prepare for the spring semester.

Beyond required courses, you will have room in your schedule for elective coursework. Most students complete the degree over two years and choose to pursue an internship between the first and second year.

Approximately 75 percent of students augment their studies with an internship during the summer between their first and second years to gain practical, hands-on experience. Nearly half of the second-year class seeks exciting, part-time internships in the final year of their studies.

Throughout your studies you will be encouraged to enroll in short professional development courses to support your career goals. These courses will be valuable as you complete your capstone project.

Sample Courses

The school regularly hosts expert policymakers, CEOs, heads of state, and scholars to campus. Students are encouraged to explore topics of interest by attending lectures, presentations, and special programming.

More than two dozen study treks are offered throughout the academic year, providing students valuable opportunities to conduct field research, engage with partner organizations, and gain new perspectives on major global issues.

During a staff ride, students gain lessons in strategy, leadership, and decision making by visiting a historic battle site and reenacting key moments. Each year, at least one staff ride occurs outside of the US and recent staff rides have been conducted in South Korea, Scotland, Italy, and Poland.

These high-octane gatherings, however, naturally lead to a series of questions: How do Indians in America regard India, and how do they remain connected to developments there? What are their attitudes toward Indian politics and changes underway in their ancestral homeland? And what role, if any, do they envision for the United States in engaging with India?

The data show that Indians, by and large, remain deeply connected to their homeland. But the intensity of this connection and the precise channels through which it operates vary greatly across the Indian American population. Indian Americans hold mixed opinions on the present trajectory of Indian democracy. While a bare majority appear largely supportive of Modi and his government, a significant minority is not. While Indian Americans tend to have more conservative opinions on policy issues in India than on those in the United States, they are less pro-Modi compared to Indians living in India and less conservative in their views.

On foreign policy, Indian Americans endorse efforts to deepen ties between Washington and New Delhi and share broadly negative views of China. However, they are more split on how far the two countries should go in confronting China.

Despite the large number of supporters at the two events, outside these venues there were also small groups of protesters, reflecting the political divisions in India within the Indian American community.5

Beyond mere pageantry, these massive rallies signaled the political coming-of-age of an Indian diaspora in the United States whose numbers had swelled to over 4 million by 2018. Indeed, two-thirds of the Indian population in the United States arrived in the country after 2000.6

The rallies also reflected the burgeoning U.S.-India partnership, which has enjoyed steady progress since the turn of the twenty-first century and has touched on areas as diverse as climate change, defense, and space exploration.

This study is the second in a series of empirical reports on the Indian American community. The first, released in September 2020, explored the political attitudes and preferences of Indian Americans heading into the November 2020 U.S. presidential election.8 The third and final study will explore the social realities of Indians in America.

YouGov recruited respondents from its proprietary panel comprised of 1.8 million U.S. residents. For the IAAS, only adult respondents (ages eighteen and above) who identified as Indian American or a person of (Asian) Indian origin were able to participate in the survey. YouGov employs a sophisticated sample matching procedure to ensure that the respondent pool is representative of the Indian American community in the United States, using data from the ACS as a target sample frame. All the analyses in this study employ sampling weights to ensure representativeness.10

The overall margin of error for the IAAS is +/- 2.8 percent. This margin of error is calculated at the 95 percent confidence interval. Further methodological details can be found in Appendix A, along with a state-wise map of survey respondents.

The survey instrument contains 157 questions organized across six modules: basic demographics; immigration, citizenship, and family background; presidential campaigns and voting; U.S. politics and foreign policy; culture and social behavior; and Indian politics. Respondents were allowed to skip questions save for important demographic questions that determined the nature of other survey items. For complete survey topline results, please visit Appendix C online.

Overall, 42 percent of IAAS respondents without Indian citizenship report having an OCI card, while 54 percent and 5 percent report not having a card or being unsure of their OCI status, respectively. This compares with the roughly 50 percent of Indian American U.S. citizens who possess an OCI card as of early 2020, according to official Indian government data (there were 1.3 million OCI card holders in the United States out of 2.6 million Indian American U.S. citizens).11 However, the share of Indian Americans who take advantage of OCI status varies enormously across demographic subgroups.

For example, 53 percent of Hindus report possessing an OCI card, compared to 45 percent of Christians and 25 percent of Muslims of Indian origin.12 In addition, Indian Americans born outside of the United States are more likely to hold OCI status: 47 percent of Indian Americans born outside of the country report having an OCI card, compared to 38 percent of those born in the United States.

The survey asked respondents how connected they personally feel with India. Eighteen percent report that they feel extremely connected, while another 32 percent state that they feel very connected to India. Thirty-one percent place themselves in the middle of the spectrum, stating they feel somewhat connected. On the opposite end of the spectrum, 13 percent say that they are not too connected, and around 6 percent report that they are not at all connected to India.

There is notable variation in how Indian Americans responded to this general measure of personal connectivity depending on their place of birth. As figure 2 demonstrates, Indian Americans born outside of the United States are more likely to report a strong connection to India compared to those born in the United States.

Fifty-nine percent of foreign-born Indian Americans report feeling either extremely or very connected to India, compared to 36 percent of U.S.-born Indian Americans. U.S.-born Indian Americans, on the other hand, are more inclined to state that they are somewhat connected to India (40 percent for U.S.-born versus 26 percent for foreign-born). Twenty-five percent of U.S.-born Indian Americans report feeling not too or not at all connected, compared to just 15 percent of naturalized Indian Americans.13

Moving beyond subjective feelings of connectivity, the survey asked respondents about their engagement across four specific dimensions of personal connectivity: travel to India, support for religious organizations in India, support for nonprofit organizations in India, and communication with friends and family in India. Figure 3 contains their responses, once again distinguishing between U.S.- and foreign-born Indian Americans.

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