東海・関西意味論研究会のお知らせ（8月29日）
Kenta Mizutani
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第62回
東海・関西意味論研究会
2025年8月29日 (金) 13時30分 (13:30 ~ onwards, 29 Augustl 2025)
名古屋学院大学白鳥学舎 曙館 607 (Nagoya Gakuin University, Shiratori Campas, Akebonokan room 607)/Zoom
https://www.ngu.jp/english/location-access/access/ (map) 地図
研究発表 (Lecture)：13:30~15:00
David Yoshikazu Oshima (Nagoya University)
On the putative minimal sufficiency interpretations of English (even) just and Japanese and sae/dake-demo
English just occurring in certain environments such as a conditional antecedent may receive a marked interpretation known as the “minimal sufficiency” reading, in which case it may be preceded by even without a change in meaning (If John smokes (even) just one cigarette, his wife will be furious). The particle(-cluster) dake-demo ‘(lit.) only-even’ in Japanese has meaning and distribution similar to those of even just. Another additive-scalar particle in Japanese, sae, induces what is called the “minimal requirement” interpretation when occurring in a conditional antecedent (Piza-sae areba manzoku da ‘(lit.) I am happy if there is even pizza’), but the presuppositions induced by a dake-demo-conditional and a sae-conditional are not equivalent. Regarding the even-just-conditional and the dake-demo-conditional, I propose that they presuppose: (i) that the noteworthiness of the antecedent-proposition (AP) is relatively low, and (ii) that the AP has at least one logically stronger alternative p such that if p holds true, then the consequent proposition (CP) holds true. Regarding the sae-conditional, I propose that it presupposes that the AP is more “expected” (likelier or closer-to-the-reality) than each alternative p of the AP such that if p holds true, then the CP holds true. (Even) just, dake-demo, and sae cannot be taken to take scope over the antecedent clause or a constituent within it, or over the whole conditional, because they should be able to “see” both AP and CP during the semantic composition. A possible way to account for this feature is to treat them as modifiers of conditional connectives.
研究発表 (Lecture)：15:15~ onwards
Yasutada Sudo (University College London)
Scalar Implicature computation is not blind but incremental
Magri (2009) observes that weak scalar items are generally infelicitous when contextually equivalent to their strong counterparts, and proposed that the computation mechanism for scalar implicature is blind to contextually grounded meaning (see also Magri 2011, 2017). I raise some empirical issues against Magri's Contextual Blindness Hypothesis and explore an alternative analysis of his observation based on incremental scalar implicature computation.