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Vennie Melkonian
Two particularly notable African American cultural institutions do not rely upon cultural stereotypes or architectural imagery steeped in metaphor and cliché, and these projects offer a way forward for a building type that will continue to be an important part of a larger project of cultivating black self-awareness. These are the Birmingham Civil Rights Institute (1993) and the Martin Luther King Jr. Center for Nonviolent Social Change in Atlanta (1984), both by the architect Max Bond Jr.
Although Afro-Cubans can be found throughout Cuba, Eastern Cuba has a higher concentration of Afro-Cubans than other parts of the island and Havana has the largest population of Afro-Cubans of any city in Cuba.[7] Recently, many native African immigrants have been coming to Cuba, especially from Angola.[8] Also, immigrants from Jamaica and Haiti have been settling in Cuba, most of whom settle in the eastern part of the island, due to its proximity to their home countries, further contributing to the already high percentage of blacks on that side of the island.[7]
The percentage of Afro-Cubans on the island increased after the 1959 Cuban revolution led by Fidel Castro due to mass migration from the island of the largely white Cuban professional class.[9] A small percentage of Afro-Cubans left Cuba, mostly for the United States (particularly Florida), where they and their U.S.-born children are known as Afro-Cuban Americans,[10] Cuban Americans, Hispanic Americans and African Americans. Only a few of them resided in nearby Spanish-speaking country of Dominican Republic and the U.S. territory of Puerto Rico.
African countries such as Nigeria, the home of the Yoruba cultures and Spanish Guinea experienced an influx of ex-slaves from Cuba brought there as indentured servants during the 17th century and again during the 19th century. In Spanish Guinea, they became part of the Emancipados; in Nigeria, they were called Amaros. Despite being free to return to Cuba when their tenure was over, they remained in these countries marrying into the local indigenous population. The former slaves were brought to Africa by the Royal Orders of September 13, 1845 (by way of voluntary arrangement) and a June 20, 1861, deportation from Cuba, due to the lack of volunteers. Similar circumstances previously occurred during the 17th century where ex-slaves from both Cuba and Brazil were offered the same opportunity.
Since the mid-19th century, innovations within Cuban music have been attributed to the Afro-Cuban community. Genres such as son, conga, mambo and chachachá combined European influences with sub-Saharan African elements. Cuban music evolved markedly away from the traditional European model towards improvisational African traditions.[12] Afro-Cuban musicians have taken pre-existing genres such as trova, country and rap and added their own realities of life in a socialist country and as black persons. Genres like Nueva Trova are seen as live representations of the revolution and have been affected by Afro-Cuban musicians like Pablo Milanes who included African spirituals in his early repertory.[13] Music in Cuba is encouraged both as a scholarly exercise and a popular enjoyment. To Cubans, music and study of it are integral parts of the revolution.[14] Audiences are proud of mixed ethnicity that makes up the music from the Afro-Cuban community, despite there being a boundary of distrust and uncertainty between Cubans and Afro-Cuban culture.[14]
African music and Afro-Cuban music mutually exchanged rhythmic patterns, melodies, and cultural elements, creating a dynamic musical interchange. African artists, particularly those from the Democratic Republic of Congo and Angola fused Afro-Cuban musical influences with their traditions, crafting distinct sounds. The result was an array of genres popular in West and Central Africa namely Congolese rumba, soukous, mbalax, semba, kizomba, and highlife. [15]
The Afro-Cuban religions all maintain some degree of use of African languages. Santería and Abakuá both have large parts of their liturgy in African languages (Lucumí and Ñañigo, respectively) while Palo uses a mixture of Spanish and Kikongo, known as Habla Congo.
Most of the Latin population of Tampa in the 1950s was working class and lived in restricted areas, ethnic enclaves in the vicinity of Tampa's hundreds of cigar factories. African Cubans were tolerated to an extent in the Latin quarter (where most neighborhoods and cigar factories were integrated). Ybor City and its counterpart, West Tampa, were areas that bordered on other restricted sections-areas for U.S. blacks or whites only. In this Latin quarter, there existed racial discrimination despite its subtleness.[36]
During the 1920s and 1930s Cuba experienced a movement geared towards Afro-Cuban culture called Afrocubanismo.[37] The movement had a large impact on Cuban literature, poetry, painting, music, and sculpture. It was the first artistic campaign in Cuba that focused on one particular theme: African culture. Specifically it highlighted the struggle for independence from Spain, African slavery, and building a purely Cuban national identity. Its goal was to incorporate African folklore and rhythm into traditional modes of art.
The movement evolved from an interest in the rediscovery of African heritage. It developed in two very different and parallel stages. One stage stemmed from European artists and intellectuals who were interested in African art and musical folk forms.[38] This stage paralleled the Harlem Renaissance in New York, Négritude in the French Caribbean, and coincided with stylistic European Vanguard (like Cubism and its representation of African masks). It was characterized by the participation of white intellectuals such as Cubans Alejo Carpentier, Rómulo Lachatañeré, Fortunato Vizcarrondo, Fernando Ortiz and Lydia Cabrera, Puerto Rican Luis Palés Matos and Spaniards Pablo Picasso and Roger de Lauria. The African-inspired art tended to represent Afro-Cubans with cliché images such as a black man sitting beneath a palm tree with a cigar.
Similar to other pastoralists, the Fulani experienced specific selection pressures probably associated with a lifestyle characterized by transhumance and herding [16, 17]. Lactase Persistence (LP) is a widely studied genetic trait with evidence of recent selection in populations who adopted pastoralism and heavily rely on dairy products, especially drinking fresh milk [18,19,20,21,22]. LP is associated with the control element of the LCT gene on chromosome 2 [18, 23,24,25,26,27,28,29]. Specific polymorphisms in this region prevent the down-regulation of the LCT gene during adulthood and confer the ability to digest lactose after weaning [18, 20, 29]. The LP trait is particularly frequent in northern European populations, pastoralists from East Africa, farmers and pastoralists from the Arabian Peninsula, and Arab speaking pastoralists from northeastern Africa and the Sahel/Savannah belt [20, 30,31,32,33]. To date, five different variants conferring LP in populations across the globe have been identified [20]. The independent genetic backgrounds of these polymorphisms suggest convergent adaptation in populations with dairy-producing domesticated animals.
A number of other potential selection signals were observed across Fulani genomes (Additional file 1: Table S5). A particular strong selection signal was observed on chromosome 18, where the XP-EHH test showed the second highest genome-wide region value (9.2 SD), comparable to that of the MCM6/LCT region. This signal seems to correspond to the PTPRM gene that encodes a tyrosine phosphatase enzyme highly expressed in adipose tissues and associated with HDL cholesterol levels, body weight and type 2 diabetes [50,51,52]. Furthermore, the iHS selection scan identified the region around the MAN2A1 gene to be under selective pressure (p-value departing 17.0 SD from average). This gene encodes a glycosyl hydrolase found in the gut that functions in liberating α-glucose and β-glucose. Both these selection signals could represent additional indicators of dietary adaptation in the Fulani population.
In the demographic model predictions where only one non-West African parental population is included (Additional file 2: Figure S11 A and B), both European and North African admixture can potentially explain the admixed part of the Fulani genetic composition. However, if both ancestries are present in the demographic model (Additional file 2: Figure S11 C and D), only a North African ancestry population (mixed with a European population) can be a potential ancestor to the Fulani from Burkina Faso, whereas the model where Europeans directly mixed with West Africans to produce the Fulani is not significant. These results stress the importance of demographic context when identifying potential sources of admixture, when the sources have a similar genetic background.
We are grateful to all subjects who participated in this research. We also would like to thank Torsten Günther, Paul Verdu, Jessica De Loma Olson and Yanjun Zan for helpful comments. We also thank Cecile Jolly for assisting with the Swedish Ethics permit application and submission. The genotyping was performed by the SNP&SEQ Technology Platform in Uppsala (www.genotyping.se). The facility is part of the National Genomics Infrastructure supported by the Swedish Research Council for Infrastructures and Science for Life Laboratory, Sweden. The SNP&SEQ Technology Platform is also supported by the Knut and Alice Wallenberg Foundation. The computations were performed at the Swedish National Infrastructure for Computing (SNIC-UPPMAX).
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