Ferrari 458 Italia Diecast Model Car Inscription Kings An
Riley Boylan
During the reign of Cyrus II and Darius I, and as long as the seat of government was still at Susa in Elam, the language of the chancellery was Elamite. This is primarily attested in the Persepolis fortification and treasury tablets that reveal details of the day-to-day functioning of the empire.[216] In the grand rock-face inscriptions of the kings, the Elamite texts are always accompanied by Akkadian (Babylonian dialect) and Old Persian inscriptions, and it appears that in these cases that the Elamite texts are translations of the Old Persian ones. It is then likely that although Elamite was used by the capital government in Susa, it was not a standardized language of government everywhere in the empire. The use of Elamite is not attested after 458 BC.[217]
The Achaemenid Empire left a lasting impression on the heritage and cultural identity of Asia and the Middle East, and influenced the development and structure of future empires. In fact, the Greeks, and later on the Romans, adopted the best features of the Persian method of governing an empire.[249] The Persian model of governance was particularly formative in the expansion and maintenance of the Abbasid Caliphate, whose rule is widely considered the period of the 'Islamic Golden Age'. Like the ancient Persians, the Abbasid dynasty centered their vast empire in Mesopotamia (at the newly founded cities of Baghdad and Samarra, close to the historical site of Babylon), derived much of their support from Persian aristocracy and heavily incorporated the Persian language and architecture into Islamic culture.[250]The Achaemenid Empire is noted in Western history as the antagonist of the Greek city-states during the Greco-Persian Wars and for the emancipation of the Jewish exiles in Babylon. The historical mark of the empire went far beyond its territorial and military influences and included cultural, social, technological and religious influences as well. For example, many Athenians adopted Achaemenid customs in their daily lives in a reciprocal cultural exchange,[251] some being employed by or allied to the Persian kings. The impact of the Edict of Cyrus is mentioned in Judeo-Christian texts, and the empire was instrumental in the spread of Zoroastrianism as far east as China. The empire also set the tone for the politics, heritage and history of Iran (also known as Persia).[252]Historian Arnold Toynbee regarded Abbasid society as a "reintegration" or "reincarnation" of Achaemenid society, as the synthesis of Persian, Turkic and Islamic modes of governance and knowledge allowed for the spread of Persianate culture over a wide swath of Eurasia through the Turkic-origin Seljuq, Ottoman, Safavid and Mughal empires.[250] Historian Bernard Lewis wrote that
A table has been compiled reflecting the tributes received by numerous Assyrian kings from 890-669 BCE based on the information available from the Assyrian annals and the Summary inscriptions.6 It is far from comprehensive as it only features the absolute amounts taken from the textual sources, but it provides interesting insight into the magnitude of Judah's payment in relation to payments by other kings and/or countries.
1.The New Jerusalem Bible (NJB) has been quoted throughout this study.
2.John S. Holladay is an exception; see his 'Hezekiah's tribute, long-distance trade, and the wealth of nations ca. 1000-600 BC: A new perspective' (Holladay 2006:311-331).
3.We are aware of the possibility that some of the building activities attributed to Hezekiah might be attributed to the longer reign of Manasseh (approx. 695-642 BCE) and transferred to Hezekiah in accordance to both kings' image in the Hebrew Bible, but for the purpose of this article, it will not be discussed here.
4.It is not within the scope of this article to deal with the issue at stake surrounding the existence of the 'state of Israel'. It is an extremely complex and hotly debated issue, particularly in our contemporary world (cf. Grabbe 1997:12).
5.This debate does not fall within the parameters of this discussion.
6.The sources are listed in the table. Due to space constraints in the table ARAB will denote Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia by Luckenbill (1968).
7.Ahaz's full name as recorded on Tiglath-Pileser Ill's inscription (Pritchard 1969:282).
8.Tablet summary inscription 7-K3751 was probably found at Nimrud (Tadmor 1994:155, 171).
9.The Babylonian manus was the equivalent of 505 g (Mitchell 1988:56).
10.lmlk ( ) means '[belonging] to the king'.
11.One thousand talents is the equivalent of 3 000 000 shekels. Some 60 000 men would have had to pay 50 shekels to meet these demands. The population of the Northern Kingdom was approximately 209 750 in the late 8th century BCE (Broshi & Finkelstein 1992:54). This would mean there was one man to every 3.5 people.
12.One talent of gold was the equivalent of four talents of silver and 30 talents of gold the equivalent of 120 talents of silver. Together with the 800 talents of silver, Sennacherib's demand in silver was either 420 or 920 talents.
13.lt could have added value to the discussion of the biblical laws' consequences on the economic situation of Judah if the question of the contexts in which the concepts underlying biblical laws concerning land ownership or feast regulations originated could be investigated, but due to space constraints it will not be discussed here.
14.Hundreds of limestone scale weights, inscribed as well as uninscribed, have been discovered in Judah. They date to both the late 8th, but predominantly 7th century BCE. The inscribed limestone weights are a specifically Judaean phenomenon, uniform in inscription, material (stone and metal), shape and weight, indicating one single system with one major standard. Of the 211 weights with known provenance, only six can be dated conclusively to the late 8th century BCE and 188 to the 8th to 7th centuries BCE (Seger 2000:90). The largest number of weights was discovered in Jerusalem (67), which was feasibly the centre of the Judaean economy. Considerable numbers were found in the regional centres Lachish (25) and Arad (15) (Kletter 1999:32).
15.Handles bearing the lmlk stamp and either a two-winged sun disk or a winged scarab belong to large Judaean storage jars and are believed to be a phenomenon of Hezekiah's reign in the late 8th to early 7th century BCE (Diringer 1949:72; Grena 2004:110).
16.Weinfeld (1964:202) refers to the book entitled Das deuteronomische Grundgesetz [The Deuteronomic Code] by Th. Oestreicher (1923).
17.lf they can be attributed to him. Please see footnote 4 above.
18.Even though the tithes would have been consumed by the pilgrims, they would still have had to journey to Jerusalem where they would have spent money, or its equivalent, offered sacrifices, et cetera.
19.lt is universally recognised that a person requires a minimum of 2.5-4.5 litres of water per day. See Gleick (1996:84).
20.The knowledge of the past can be gained when the past is re-enacted in the mind of the historian (Ankersmit 1998:121-150; cf. Van der Dussen 1994:ix-xlviii).
Combined information from a letter now in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin (Van Dijk, 1986) and two fragments of a statue rediscovered in the Louvre (Steve and Vallat, pp. 223-38) has, however, led to a complete revision of this scheme. The letter in Berlin is a Neo-Babylonian document written in Akkadian, whereas the statue fragments contain an inscription in Elamite. The letter was addressed by an Elamite king whose name is lost but who may well have been Šutruk-Nahhunte (see below) to assert his claim to rule Babylonia; the name of the person to whom it was addressed is also not preserved in the letter. In support of his claim the king mentioned the names of all the Elamite kings who had married Kassite princesses, followed by the names of the children born of these unions. For example, the immediate successor of Igi-halki, Pahir-iššan, married the sister or daughter of Kurigalzu I, whose reign ended in 1374 B.C.E., which implies that the Igihalkid dynasty was older by about a century than had previously been thought. Furthermore, two previously unknown kings, Kidin-Hutran, son of Untaš-Napiriša (who could not have been the Kidin-Hutran who fought the Kassites), and his son Napiriša-untaš, are mentioned in this text. As the fragments of the Louvre statue are attributed to another Kidin-Hutran, son of Pahir-iššan, there must have been three kings of the same name in this dynasty: Kidin-Hutran I, son of Pahir-iššan; Kidin-Hutran II, son of Untaš-Napiriša; and Kidin-Hutran III, whose paternity is unknown. The number of kings known to have succeeded to the Elamite throne has thus been raised from seven to ten, without any certainty that the list is complete. In fact, the first surviving description of this dynasty occurs in a text of the Šutrukid Šilhak-Inšušinak (König, 1965, no. 48), in which he enumerated those of his predecessors who had restored a temple of Inšušinak. As for the Berlin letter, only the dynasts who married Kassite princesses or their children are mentioned in it. A king who belonged in neither of these two categories would remain unknown. Finally, it can now be confirmed that Hurpatila was not an Elamite king but king of a country known as Elammat (Gassan).
Middle Elamite II-III (ca. 1350-1000 B.C.E.). The periodization followed here is less finely drawn than one based on texts. The written sources show that the Elamite kings of this period successfully invaded Mesopotamia and controlled the hinterlands of Susiana: the Persian Gulf coast and Fārs. This picture is confirmed by the distribution of archeological sites and finds from Fārs to Lorestān (Figure 2). The use of the Elamite language in documents and inscriptions, as well as the development of distinctive art and architectural forms, underscores the rise of Elam as an international power. The royal sponsorship of metalworking and related technologies is revealed by finds from the major cities of Ḵūzestān. The demand for minerals and luxury goods in the sanctuaries and courts of the Late Bronze Age indicates that interregional and international trade in raw materials was an additional factor in the growing power of the Elamite kings of this period (Carter, 1984, pp. 156-81). The concentration of population in larger towns and cities during the Middle Elamite period suggests that pastoralism, trade, and plunder may have replaced an earlier life style in which both the Susiana plain and the Kūr river basin were farmed extensively by a more settled rural population.
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