Devil May Cry 3 Code

[Eliz Mettert]

TheCarey Code celebrates the visionary leaders who built this school from the ground up. It recognizes alumni achievements, lifelong learning, career advancement, and future-forward thinking. It is a testament to the hallmark traditions, principles, and values this community has always emulated.

* This statement was added to the Carey Code in response to the growing call to create more diverse, equitable, and inclusive campus environments. W. P. Carey believes that Black Lives Matter, and stands in solidarity with Black members of our community as we work to end racism in all its forms.

As we grow stronger, so too does your W. P. Carey degree. The continued advancement of this community is made possible by hard work, generosity, and involvement, which includes alumni giving, mentoring, recruiting, and so much more. Thank you for contributing to the success of this school, our students, and fellow W. P. Carey Sun Devils around the globe.

We pride the W. P. Carey School of Business on being a place where business is personal. This means developing close connections with our students, our campus, our alumni, our community, and each other. We do not subscribe to a factory model of education, but instead believe that each member of the school will thrive when celebrated as an individual and treated with respect.

While we work to make this message apparent in our everyday interactions, it is not clearly spelled out in a way that codifies what is expected as a member of the W. P. Carey School. How can we better shape student and alumni W. P. Carey identity, and their orientation towards each other and society?

The Carey Code will be a stated and lived identity that clearly lays out the expectations for those who are connected to the W. P. Carey School of Business. From incoming undergraduates to far-flung alumni to long-tenured faculty and staff, the Carey Code reminds us that we are W. P. Carey Sun Devils for life, and it is incumbent on us to enrich that legacy.

The Carey Code was developed in response to alumni feedback, noting that other schools had engaged their graduates to carry the mission of the school forward in their careers and communities.

We decided to expand our approach, including not just alumni, but our entire W. P. Carey community.

The Carey Code combines initiatives from various areas of the school (e.g., Honor Code, Where business is personal) into one recognizable and actionable message.

This does not negate our other initiatives, but instead reinforces them by connecting back to our collective cause and values.

No. In fact, the tenets of the Carey Code are evident throughout our history.

In 1969, the business school formed the Executive Luncheon Series to bridge the gap between students and the business community.

In 1982, alumni volunteered their time, talent, and treasure to form the Hispanic Business Alumni Chapter.

In 2003, William Polk Carey made the largest donation in school history, breathing philanthropy and innovation into our DNA.

In 2005, we hosted the inaugural Camp Carey to start incoming business students on the right foot by developing early relationships in the school.

Today, our faculty engage in meaningful research into ethical business practices and the future of business. The Carey Code is new, but what it stands for is not.

To create community across the many ways people interact with W. P. Carey, especially as students graduate and transition to alumni.

The code is an outward expression of inward identity, reminding all members of the community that they are W. P. Carey Sun Devils for life, and there are expectations of that respected membership.

The code will also be a way to showcase who we are as a school. When we consider what W. P. Carey has to offer, anything less than the Carey Code is only telling part of the story.

Not only is it easy to discern which table is which in each of the queries, but the consistency makes the code that much more readable. You will have fewer errors and better understanding of what the code is doing.

With over 10,000 executions of each query on my system, the average for the query without object ownership was 129ms while the average for the query with object ownership was 115ms. The difference was the work required to discern object owners.

GENE DEMBY, HOST: Just a quick heads-up, y'all. The following podcast contains explicit language. That means there's going to be some cussin'.You are listening to CODE SWITCH from NPR. I'm Gene Demby. And this...(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: ...This is actually our 300th episode. Damn, go us. It's not our 300th anniversary because that would be 300 years. What would you get somebody for their 300th anniversary? It would have to be beyond, like, you know, precious jewels or whatever. It'd have to be, like, you know, I don't know, a trip to the sun (laughter) or something like that. Anyway, back to the lesson at hand.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: Can you remember another fall, another back-to-school season, that was this contentious? Like, you might have to go back to the fights over integration and busing in the 1960s and 1970s. Because right now, all over the country, parents and politicians and school administrators are beefing over how to run their schools when kids come back or whether there should even be kids in schools coming back, you know, because we have this ongoing pandemic that has claimed the lives of 600,000 people in the United States. People are fighting over whether teachers should be vaccinated, whether students should have to wear masks. Oh, and then we have these very ugly fights over what's being taught in those schools.(SOUNDBITE OF MONTAGE)UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #1: An intense debate has focused on critical race theory and its...UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #2: Critical race theory - it suddenly became...UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #3: Critical race theory and affects not only the...UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #1: The theory of critical race theory...UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #2: Implement critical race theory, also called CRT, in our schools...DEMBY: Critical race theory. These battles over CRT and how it's allegedly being taught in grade schools and high schools has been raging for months now.(SOUNDBITE OF MONTAGE)LAURA INGRAHAM: Parents are coming to recognize that this far-left ideology is itself racist.KEISHA KING: It is sad that we are even contemplating something like critical race theory, where children will be separated by their skin color and deemed permanently oppressors or oppressed in 2021.UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #3: We do not want our children to be taught that America is systemically racist.UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #4: So whether or not you call it critical race theory or DEI or SEL, it's all based on the same thing. And it's not acceptable.INGRAHAM: And I'll say it again - is itself racist.DEMBY: In Tennessee, some parents objected to a book about how 6-year-old Ruby Bridges integrated an all-white elementary school in New Orleans back in 1960. Another group of parents in Nevada wanted to put body cameras on teachers to make sure that they were not teaching critical race theory in classrooms. Never mind that critical race theory, which is a legal doctrine taught as an elective in graduate schools and law schools, is not being taught to fifth-graders or high schoolers or anybody in K-12 setting. As I learned all this apoplexy, the anger and anxiety and fear about a supposedly dangerous curriculum that it seemed so few people can even accurately define, we have been here before, like, a lot because kids plus schools plus curriculum equals fertile soil for moral panics. That's algebra.ZULEYKA ZEVALLOS: Moral panics are hooking into something that seems new or novel or something that's topical, but it's hooking into old debates, an idea that this new thing that's happening could spell the end to our society to the way in which we live.ADAM LAATS: So I think the reason that schools are a particularly hot flash point is because it's a very low bar to put it on a front headline. You know, the headline "People Disagree At Bar" - that's not much of a headline. However, "Children Being Harmed On Purpose" - now, that's a headline.DEMBY: So I wanted to know what exactly constitutes a moral panic. Does the controversy over CRT really fit into that category? And if it does, what are the potential consequences? Like, how does a moral panic end? I mean, does it end? I had a lot of questions, y'all, and, spoiler alert, the answers didn't do much to quell my personal panic. But we'll get into all that after the break. Stay with us.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: Gene, just Gene today, CODE SWITCH. And we're talking about what makes a moral panic and whether this controversy over critical race theory being taught in grade schools and high schools, if that fits the bill. Because I had a feeling that some of the ire around this topic this summer might be more consequential than just, like, your typical culture war kerfuffle. So what exactly is a moral panic? I know calling it a moral panic seems like I'm making some kind of, like, moral judgment. But moral panics are a sociological phenomenon. And it turns out there are quite a few academics who study them and how they work, like Zuleyka Zevallos. She's a sociologist and a policy researcher in Sydney, Australia. And relevant to our interests here on CODE SWITCH, Zuleyka studies moral panics and what they have to do with race. And she told me that moral panics tend to have some broad things in common.ZEVALLOS: So there are effectively three components to a moral panic. The first is that the threat is perceived as new, but it's been linked to old notions of other things that society has been afraid of in the past.DEMBY: So you have an old thing or maybe some social group that the public was already broadly suspicious of. In the parlance of people who study moral panics, those threats are called folk devils. And then, you know, something happens in the world that reactivates all of those suspicions toward folk devils that were already out there in the world. Let's use the example of video games.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: So me, myself, I'm an elder millennial, as much as it hurts my heart to say that. And I've lived through people losing their shit over video games for as long as I've been alive basically. When I was real young, I vaguely remember people freaking out about the dangers of arcades. And I almost want to do an explanatory comma here for arcades just to troll any Gen Xers that might be listening, make them feel real old.Anyway, people were worried that video game arcades were dens of flashing lights and beeping machines and iniquity and delinquency. When video games became things that people primarily played at home, a lot of people worried that they would make kids sedentary, antisocial, violent.What was really going on was that adults were freaking out about the things they always freaked out about - technology corrupting kids. This happened with the advent of television. It even happened to some extent, as I learned, with the printing press. But yeah, that's component No. 1The second component of a moral panic, Zuleyka told me, is that whatever the current thing that people are freaking out about is seen as both damaging by itself, right? But also, it is seen as a harbinger of some deeper, potentially more dangerous societal problem. So go back to video games again. Video games were thought to represent a new permissiveness around violence. You know, so many games focus on fighting and shooting and Mario Karting (ph). People will blame video games for things like school shooting and rising violent crime. There was even a congressional hearing about the specific dangerous posed by video games in the 1990s.ZEVALLOS: And then the third component is that it needs to be an issue that lots of people can see, but the threat seems difficult. It seems opaque.DEMBY: So it has to be something that people can point to, like something that exists in the world, again, but that if you're on the outside of it, you can't quite make sense of it - at least not on your own.ZEVALLOS: It means that the general public are relying on experts to explain what's happening to them.DEMBY: And sometimes, these so-called experts are just people who are themselves freaking out, like a parent seeing their kid play Grand Theft Auto and saying, oh, my God, my child is going to be out here stealing cars. Other times, these experts are, like, cynics. They're capitalizing on the freakout for some reason. But either way, these experts are saying the same thing; this is bad, but let me tell you why it's actually way worse than you think.ZEVALLOS: And unfortunately, the experts that come to the forefront then feed into that panic and explain it in a way that seems very threatening. So in the case of - whether it's video games, social media, other technologies, it's, you know, they're corrupting our young people.DEMBY: So you can see how critical race theory meets these criteria, right? One...(SOUNDBITE OF BELL)DEMBY: ...It's old and new, right? It's about race and schools, so that's an old American anxiety. But the branding, at least in terms of this freakout, is new. The second component...(SOUNDBITE OF BELL)DEMBY: ...Is this idea that the problem is specific, but also speaks to deeper issues in society. Obviously, I mean, we don't have to explain that one too much. Y'all have been here for the last four years. You saw what it was. There's a lot of anxiety around race in America and around changing racial demographics in America. All of that stuff is being activated by this critical race theory moral panic. And three...(SOUNDBITE OF BELL)DEMBY: ...Again, is the idea that the thing in question is invisible but opaque. There is this thing called critical race theory out in the world. And it's not being taught in schools, but it's the kind of thing that is easily misunderstood, both willfully, but also because, you know, this is America, and we are bad about talking about race. So you take all three of those things, and then you throw kids in classrooms in there, and you have everything you need for a moral panic.Just to square the circle on the video game thing again - so crime was climbing in the 1980s. But it's clear now that that probably didn't have much to do with video games. But freaking out over video games was certainly politically easier, less complicated and definitely more satisfying than, like, committing more money to anti-poverty programs or housing. And when it comes to CRT, people are freaking out about curriculum in schools because that's easier to grapple with than acknowledging these questions about power and justice and history in America.Anyway, way back in the 1970s, this guy named Stanley Cohen laid down a lot of the foundations of thinking about moral panics. And he, in his time, was writing about people losing their minds over the supposed dangers of mods and rock musicians. And if you think about the other moral panics, almost by decade in American life - right? - there were the flappers of the '20s, there was jazz music, there was comic books, hippies, heavy metal, gangsta rap. Whatever weird thing that young people are getting into, there are adults very seriously freaking out about it.And I know you're asking, OK, OK, so what does this have to do with race, Gene? This is CODE SWITCH, baby. I didn't come here for all this. Well (laughter), Zuleyka said it's important to understand that many of the inflection points in America's racial history - you know, the moment when race becomes stratified, when that gets entrenched - they come directly out of moral panics.ZEVALLOS: Racism is malleable. Like, it changes. It morphs. And it no longer relies on those overt examples of racial hatred. And instead, it's much more reliant nowadays on moral appeals. It's a threat to our values. It's a threat to who we are as a people. And so a moral panic is feeding into this idea that at any moment, society could just unfold.DEMBY: Because during moral panics, there is more room for everyone to be scared and everyone to be very worked up. And so people say things and they do things that might be frowned upon or even just out of bounds during other relatively calmer political moments. And so Zuleyka says these panics can carve out a kind of conceptual space for more discrimination - not just the informal kind between individuals, but official discrimination - new laws, new policies. Like, this is an emergency. We have to fix it.So if we just take a quick survey of the last 150 years of U.S. history - right? - you have the anti-immigrant yellow scares and pogroms of the 1870s, which led directly to the Chinese Exclusion Act, which shaped American immigration policy for, like, the next 100 years. Those same fears of sneaky, untrustworthy Asians - they got recycled through the 1940s, when the U.S. interned Japanese Americans. The panic during the early days of the AIDS crisis led to a federal ban on gay men donating blood - a ban which is still on the books today. The post-9/11 moment made way for the broad acceptance of surveillance and profiling of Muslims, people of Middle Eastern, North African descent and South Asians. I mean, the war on drugs, like, by itself is, like, a hydrant of moral panics. You've got crack, you've got crack babies, you've got super predators. All of that led to more policing of Black and Latino neighborhoods and mass incarceration.And in retrospect, we can see how baseless and overheated each of those supposed threats were. But when they were happening, they were treated as not just politically legitimate, but politically urgent.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: So given the criteria that we laid out, it should not be surprising that schools are often the site of moral panics. Think about it for a second, right? You've got parents who are handing over their beloved children to teachers and administrators - to the state, essentially - to be socialized outside of the home. Add to that the fact that schools are basically where the rubber hits the road on so many of these foundational social questions. You've got race. You've got property rights. You've got taxes. You've got ideology. Yeah, you've got yourself a geyser for moral panics.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)LAATS: The people who want to cause more panic, you know, from that lady on "The Simpsons" on up...(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE SIMPSONS")MAGGIE ROSWELL: (As Helen Lovejoy) Won't somebody please think of the children?LAATS: If you want to cause a moral panic, you can always warn that something nefarious is being done to someone else's children.DEMBY: That voice - not Helen Lovejoy from "The Simpsons," but the other voice. That belongs to Adam Laats.LAATS: I think the reason that schools are a particularly hot flash point is because it's a very low bar to put it on a front headline. You know, the headline "People Disagree At Bar" - that's not much of a headline. However, "Children Being Harmed On Purpose" - now, that's a headline.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: Adam is a historian at Binghamton University. He's the author of the book "The Other School Reformers: Conservative Activism In American Education."GILLIAN FRANK: Let me build off that and echo and rephrase some of what Adam said.DEMBY: And that's Gillian Frank. He's a historian, too, and the host of the podcast "Sexing History." Ow (ph).FRANK: Now, conservatives for a long time - we're talking about well over seven decades - have seen - actually closer to a century - have seen schools as a key front to produce and reproduce their core values. Childhood in the conservative imagination is always something that needs to be protected from outside dangers. Now, how do you protect? Well, you control all these harmful influences, whether it's pornography or Black people. We need to see the schools as their site for children's purity, their innocence and as a site of exclusions.(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)DEMBY: I called up Adam and Gillian because they wrote an essay together for Slate, titled "This Critical Race Theory Panic Is A Chip Off The Old Block." And in it, they talk about all the other curriculum fights that are basically a template for this one that we're living through right now.FRANK: So you can look at a number of historic panics, whether it's textbooks or gay teachers in the schools or integration. Conservatives have used schools as a way of erecting social and actual boundaries to police and to push out others that they deem undesirable.LAATS: To take just one example, the books by Harold Rugg - and it was a team led by Harold Rugg, really - had been used for years in schools all across the country.DEMBY: Explanatory comma time. Harold Rugg was this reform-minded educator from Columbia University. And in the 1930s, his school textbooks were a big deal. Like, they were used in middle schools all over the country.LAATS: Millions of copies. They were very popular and, you know, unobjectionable, you know? Like any textbook, they had been through an adoption process, and they had been read by school superintendents, teachers. You know, the books had been seen as the best new, modern books.DEMBY: But this was the 1930s, and it was also the time of the first Red Scare. And so the folk devils in this case were communists or people who were assumed to be communists. So all sorts of progressive ideas were getting close scrutiny and the side-eye. And in Rugg's textbooks, the United States is discussed as imperfect, as a society with social problems that could be improved. And that did not go over well with patriotic groups, like the Daughters of the American Revolution and the American Legion. They said that these books were promoting socialism.LAATS: And then some independent journalists, which, you know, today's mix of influential activists seem very similar. People like Bertie Forbes, who founded Forbes magazine - you know, he played a leading role in publicizing these accusations about this set of textbooks, that the textbooks tipped and pushed towards anti-American sentiment and especially a version of American history that highlighted the fact that racism was a problem in America and that highlighted the fact that class antagonism was a thing that America experienced in the past.FRANK: They had newspapers. They had circulars. They had pamphlets. They had meetings. They would hold a meeting, and it would get reported by the local news. They would go to school boards, right? They would have letter-writing campaigns. So much of the infrastructure that we see today, which is only magnified through social media, through the internet, was already there. And so it was a lot of things like what we might now call kitchen table politics or barstool politics, where people would network within their neighborhood. They would drum it up. And they would use this particular language of moral panic. They would use slippery slope arguments.If we allow the textbook into the class, pretty soon the children will become communists, and we'll be just like Russia. And so if they come to believe a very simple thing - there is conflict in American society; Black people are not treated well, that there's class exploitation, that economic system of capitalism is not the best for everybody - if they believe that, that is just the end of America. And they would use this catastrophizing language to gin up high emotional feelings.DEMBY: At one point, even the advertising lobby got into this. Like, they were calling the Rugg textbooks un-American because there was a line in one of his textbooks that said, quote, "advertising costs are passed on to consumers," end quote. They thought that that was maligning the American way of marketing things.LAATS: And this is the dramatic and damaging part of these panics. You know, if it were just a smallish group of people who were nervous about something and talking about it amongst themselves, then, OK, fine. But in the case of the Rugg textbooks, they were not only taken from shelves, taken out of school warehouses, in at least two cases, and probably more, they were actually burned by school boards. And this - mind you, this is 1940, 1941. The Nazis are stomping across Europe burning books. And they're so terrified of what they think these books include that no one in the room says, hey, we shouldn't burn books - I mean, if only for the optics.DEMBY: For the most part, though, the Rugg textbooks weren't burned, but they were taken out of circulation and put in warehouses until school boards could figure out just what to do with them.LAATS: And this is 5, 6 million copies of textbooks.DEMBY: Adam and Gillian said teachers and superintendents and administrators saw all of this happening, all this uproar, and they wanted nothing to do with it. A lot of them just decided, all right, it will be easier to just avoid teaching these subjects altogether.LAATS: And even the next generation of textbook authors were watching this. And we have archival evidence. They talked with their publishers and said, hey, maybe don't tell the kids that there's racism.DEMBY: You might be wondering, like I was, how the textbook (laughter) authors or just liberals in general at the time responded to this freak out. Well, Harold Rugg himself thought that maybe he could calm people down and just, you know, go out, explain what was in the books. Maybe cooler heads will prevail - about that. Harold Rugg was an Ivy League elite. Like we said, he taught at Columbia University. So he wasn't going to engender a whole lot of sympathy from his critics just off that alone. But also, he was kind of a [expletive].LAATS: He wasn't a very pleasant person, just personally. And at first, he was like, well, this obviously is going to peter out because I'll go and I'll say, I'm not a communist, and then they'll stop (laughter). And that didn't work. And he became more and more flummoxed. He'd say, well, they say that I write, you know, basically that American history happened in an American history textbook. And it did (laughter). I don't - I can't - Rugg would say, I can't understand what they are angry about.DEMBY: Adam and Gillian said that this is kind of a theme in curriculum panics. The people behind the curriculum, who write the textbooks, who come up with the learning materials, they often try to appeal to the people who are freaking out to talk through any of the misunderstandings or mischaracterizations. And that strategy, they say, is kind of hit or miss, you know, because we're talking about a moral panic. Ain't nobody trying to hear no reason, right now, right?They gave me another example from the 1960s. A woman named Mary Calderone was advocating for sex education in schools. And not surprisingly, a bunch of groups popped up in opposition. One was called Mothers Organized for Moral Stability, or abbreviated to MOMS. I'm always kind of curious, like, do people come up with the, like, acronym for the group and then, like, retrofit (laughter) the words in the title afterwards?Anyway, MOMS and another group called the Christian Crusade distributed and popularized these pamphlets, tens of thousands of them, expressing their opposition to the sex education plan. The pamphlet was called "Is The School House The Proper Place To Teach Raw Sex?" Am I telling this anecdote just so I had an excuse to read that pamphlet title on the radio? I'm not not telling that story for that reason.Anyway, "Is The School House The Proper Place To Teach Raw Sex?" spread like wildfire. Conservative groups say this whole sex ed campaign was part of a Marxist plot to indoctrinate children, and on top of that, it would expose them to STDs. And Mary Calderone, the lady who was advocating for the sex education, was like, what? What are y'all talking about? What?LAATS: I'm not trying to tell anybody to go have raw sex or any kind of sex. That's not my goal. And it wasn't her goal at all. Her goal was to tell heterosexual married couples how to have safe, you know, sex, not even pleasurable sex, just safe sex if you're married and heterosexual. And she gets accused of all this, you know, Satan-bringing.And her first response, like Harold Rugg's, is, well, I'll just explain it, and then we'll be good. And (laughter) she explains it. And it wasn't good. Just like today's fight, those fights in the past were not about the actual issue that was being put on the table as the main issue. They were about this furious, bubbling cocktail of fear.DEMBY: This furious, bubbling cocktail of fear - which brings us back to critical race theory. We've gotten through basically most of this episode talking about, or I guess around, this thing called critical race theory. But we haven't spent a lot of time talking about what it actually is (laughter), which kind of makes us like everybody else, I guess. But that's because in a moral panic,