Week 12
Half draft of e2 analysis part
Cullen Murphy’s Are We Rome? (2007) is an entertaining but slender
book that often reads like a summary or treatment of what could or
should have been written instead about this extremely large and
complicated topic: the successes and failures of Ancient Rome and how
they apply to modern America, particularly in light of the many
similarities between the two. Even so, as a big believer in
comparative history – if it’s done right, if the book, class, seminar
or article delivers the goods – I found Murphy’s (2007) arguments
intriguing and often persuasive in terms of what’s there, in this
little volume. In other words, he does deliver – up to a point. The
trouble is that he treats so much either too briefly or not at all.
This paper, also very brief, deals only with the first of the book’s
five chapters.
There is little to dispute in Murphy’s (2007) assertion that both
nations saw themselves early on as destined for greatness – that is,
more specifically, to lead the world. Murphy (2007) sums it up best
and most simply in his choice of introductory quotations to the
book’s
first chapter: “‘Remember, Roman, that it is yours to lead other
people. It is your special gift,’” wrote the poet Virgil.
Similarly,
almost exactly two thousand years later, not long after leaving her
job as President Clinton’s secretary of state, Madeleine Albright
declared: “‘We are the indispensable nation. We stand tall. We see
further into the future’” (Murphy, 2007, 24).
However, in their respective developments the two societies were both
envisioning big things in their futures much sooner than that.
Murphy
(2007) duly notes Cicero’s praise for a government that is a mixture
of “‘three forms – kingship, aristocracy, and democracy’” (p. 37).
Rome in its pre empire republican days was arguably just that, the
consuls, or chief executives, comprising a rotating kingship, the
all-
patrician senate being the aristocracy and the various popular
assemblies the democracy. The point, however, is missed: that
Cicero’s notion came straight from the Greek historian Polybius’ much
lengthier discussion of this structure in his admiring Roman history
of two centuries earlier – which, incidentally, looks back in some
detail at the arrangement, even by then in existence for more than
three hundred years (Polybius, 2nd century B.C., 1979). Murphy
(2007)
also fails to make the obvious comparison with the newly-created
American government, which was formed along almost precisely the same
lines – the President being the rotating king, the Congress the
democracy, and the lifetime justices of the Supreme Court the
aristocracy. And since Murphy (2007) himself points out that all the
founders had classical educations, it would be hard to imagine this
similarity of design to be anything but deliberate.
In addition, Murphy (2007) unfortunately gives short shrift to one of
the most positive similarities between the two societies and how they
viewed themselves: the willingness – indeed, the eagerness – to allow
in and even assimilate new immigrants from far-flung places. Most of
the old city-states operated on the much different principle of
exclusion; their doors were closed to wannabe residents from
elsewhere. And when Rome fell, that policy of very limited entry
resumed and remained in place for 1,300 years until America opened
its
doors: suddenly, inclusion once again ruled the day. And although
then as now many newcomers were badly treated and struggled for years
to gain an equal footing in their new homelands, in both cases it was
a truly revolutionary change – which Murphy (2007) does not see fit
to
discuss.
Finally, in this area of self-image, the author does devote minimal
but emphatic space to the near-obsessive need for security and
secrecy
that became a bigger and bigger part of Roman life – and which is
doing the same thing right now in the United States (Murphy, 2007).
Indeed, by the time of Augustus in 31 B.C., the republic was dead and
gone, and one-man rule was the core of the system (Grabsky, 1997).
And by the late third century days of the emperor Diocletian, any
last
bits of transparency had long-since disappeared from the Roman
government. Here and now, in the wake of nine-eleven, the Patriot
Act
of October 26, 2001 (Murphy, 2007), has, among other things, raised
fears among millions of Americans by relaxing restrictions on
unwarranted wiretaps, torture and imprisonment. In addition, to make
it easier to keep track of everybody, organizations such as internet
services, cable TV companies and even public libraries are now
required to report supposedly suspicious actions to law enforcement
agencies. Most frightening of all, however, are the provisions
scattered throughout the law that essentially forbid anybody from
telling anybody else about anything they may have seen or heard that
indicates that a particular person is being investigated – or even
dragged off to jail, such as in Section 501, Subsection (d) of the
law, which states: “No person shall disclose to any other person
(other than those persons necessary to produce the tangible things
under this section) that the Federal Bureau of Investigation [or
various other agencies, depending on the target of the particular
section] has sought or obtained tangible things under this
section” (Patriot Act, 2001,
References
Grabsky, P. (1997). I, Caesar: Ruling the Roman Empire. Parkwest,
NY: BBC Books.
Murphy, C. (2007). Are we Rome? The fall of an empire and the fate
of America. New York: Houghton Mifflin.
Patriot Act. (2001, October 26). USA Patriot Act.
http://www.personalinfomediary.com/USAPATRIOTACT_Text.htm.
Polybius. (1979). The rise of the Roman Empire (Ian Scott-Kilvert,
Trans.). New York: Penguin. (Original work published 2nd century
b.c.).