From then on you have to move your content manually to the language root of choice and start translating. You can also link objects later as you need them. There also is no canonical language folder anymore, all language items are "equal".
I ran into activating plone.app.multilingual issues myself yesterday. Once you install p.a.multilingual add'on, it hooks into changes you make to the available languages in the languages control panel and tries to fix/set up things automatically.
That didn't work out for me, maybe because I had already selected 2 languages in the control panel before I installed the p.a.multilingual add'o in the site . So I removed the second language, re-added it again, added a third language to get rid of the second one I actually wanted without ending up with one language. etc. etc. But I still ended up with a FrankenLingual setup.
Unlike previous p.a.multilingual installs, access to the Plone Site Root was not automatically redirected to the preferred Language Root Folder. Turns out there is a Language Root Switcher view that should be set on the site root, you can add it manually
My second Language Root Folder didn't have its own language set correctly. It was also set to English (English being the first language). This impacted the language selector viewlet which didn't work. So check that all your language root folders (LRF) have the correct language after p.a.multilingual creates it.
I've also found you've to save the object again to have the pam language set, a catalog reindex is not enough. So the strategy is to walk the site, and set the language on the content. This is the browser view I've used to set 'it' on everything other than '/en' where 'en' is set:
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Daniel I. Wasserman-Soler investigates the subtle and surprising ways that Spanish monarchs and churchmen thought about language. Drawing from inquisition reports and letters; royal and ecclesiastical correspondence; records of church assemblies, councils, and synods; and printed books in a variety of genres and languages, he shows that Church and Crown officials had no single, unified policy either for Castilian or for other languages. They restricted Arabic in some contexts but not in others. They advocated using Amerindian languages, though not in all cases. And they thought about language in ways that modern categories cannot explain: they were neither liberal nor conservative, neither tolerant nor intolerant. In fact, Wasserman-Soler argues, they did not think predominantly in terms of accommodation or assimilation, categories that are common in contemporary scholarship on religious missions. Rather, their actions reveal a highly practical mentality, as they considered each context carefully before deciding what would bring more souls into the Catholic Church.
This anecdote points to three surprising aspects of sixteenth-century Spanish thought and practice regarding languages in both Iberia and the Americas. First, sixteenth-century Spanish authorities demonstrated less interest in propagating Castilian than we might think. Although that language eventually became widespread, Spanish officials had no unified policy aiming to promote Castilian during the first century of expansion. Spanish monarchs and leading churchmen put much more effort into encouraging the use of American indigenous languages. Some influential clerics also called for and used Arabic, though they were far fewer in number. Within this general framework, there existed many variations.
In several cases, Spanish religious leaders called for and implemented multilingual methods to foster religious conversion. Even when a language seemed useful for one context, it was not necessarily appropriate elsewhere. Thus in spite of heterogeneous and often polyglot methods, the Spanish Empire was no multilingual utopia. Churchmen often restricted the vernaculars to certain contexts, and religious leaders did, on some occasions, actively lobby against particular ways of using a language. The Spanish Crown and its churchmen, therefore, did not accommodate all languages at all times. Still, throughout the sixteenth century, they never adopted a firm policy of eliminating all foreign cultural markers. As a whole, early modern Church leaders thought about language in a situation-specific way. They viewed some vernaculars as appropriate for certain contexts but not for others. They did not demonstrate a firm commitment to propagating one language above all others.
Before addressing the peoples studied in this book, it is important to explain the absence here of two major groups within the Spanish kingdoms: African and Jewish communities. Both appear only briefly because little documentation exists regarding the place of language in the religious instruction of Africans and Jews. When the bishops of Mexico discussed the conversion of Africans at the Third Provincial Council of Mexico (1585), they recommended that ministers use the Castilian language. The choice of Castilian probably was a practical one: slave traders brought Africans to the Americas without regard for preserving their linguistic communities.6 Thus Africans who lived in a particular area in the Americas did not necessarily share a language. Churchmen faced another challenge with Africans: they spent relatively little time with African slaves, because the latter belonged to Spanish masters. Theoretically, the masters had the duty of providing them with religious instruction.
Spanish Muslims, similarly, used a variety of languages. In 1492 the Muslims of Granada had just become subjects of a Christian monarchy for the first time. At that moment, they spoke Arabic and had limited knowledge of Castilian. The Muslims of Valencia, however, had been under Christian rule for over two hundred years. While Arabic remained an important language in sixteenth-century Valencia, many Muslims there spoke the local Romance language (Valencian). For centuries, Muslim writers had translated works from Arabic into Spanish and also into aljamiado (Spanish written with Arabic script).
According to established accounts, Spanish churchmen initially responded with flexibility to these heterogeneous circumstances. In mid-sixteenth-century Spain, churchmen such as John of .vila, Francis Borgia, Bartolom. Carranza, and Louis of Granada published vernacular Castilian books of prayer and doctrine. In doing so, they aimed to expand the traditionally Latin corpus of Christian writing and engage a wider audience. Their attempts came under suspicion in 1559, when the Spanish Inquisition prohibited several vernacular books of prayer and doctrine.
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