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[Amie Mandy]

\"This summer, she will grace stages across North America for the last time, delivering her iconic and hilarious performances. This will be the last opportunity for fans to witness a comedy legend in her final curtain call,\" reads the release, detailing the latest for the comedian who launched her career over 40 years ago.

DeGeneres shared the news on Instagram captioning a post, \"Here it is! These are the cities and dates for my final stand-up tour. Pre-sale starts tomorrow May 30th at 10am local time with code CHICKEN. Get your tickets at ellenshop.com/tour.\"

DeGeneres hosted a long-time talk show \"The Ellen DeGeneres Show,\" which debuted in 2003 came to an end in 2022. The announcement of the show's ending in 2021 came after a BuzzFeed story from July 2020 which alleged a toxic work environment for the show's staff.

At the time, DeGeneres said with her being \"in a position of privilege and power\" she took full responsibility for what happened at the show. She said the allegations were \"very hurtful\" and \"destroyed\" her but they were not the reason why she decided to pull the plug on the show.

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In the absence of RCTs, and to avoid the pitfalls of studies like those of Turban and colleagues, researchers might try to approximate causality by introducing unrelated criteria for assigning treatments to some subjects but not others. Random chance is the ideal unrelated criterion because, almost by definition, it is the most unrelated to any measurable outcome. Short of that, researchers can seize on second-best proxies for randomness.

Now, there is a danger, as the saying goes, in making the perfect the enemy of the good. A political scientist by training, Greene knows that policymakers must often make choices on the basis of imperfect information; policymaking is rarely a choice between good and bad options, but more frequently between bad and worse ones. Faced with weak evidence for the dangers of blockers and even weaker evidence for their therapeutic benefits, a reasonable policymaker would prefer to halt their use pending further research.

A known complaint among American medical providers is that systemic pressures discourage them from conducting careful and drawn-out diagnoses. Two friends of mine, both doctors, have raised this complaint to me several times in the past year alone; both wish they could spend more time with their patients in order to better understand their problems. One recently started his own practice in order to give his patients the quality of care they need and deserve.

Leor Sapir is a fellow at the Manhattan Institute where he writes on gender identity policies. Sapir received his Ph.D. in Political Science from Boston College and completed a postdoctoral fellowship at the Program on Constitutional Government at Harvard University. His academic work has dealt with American political culture, constitutional government, and civil rights regulation. Twitter handle: @LeorSapir

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In a recent exchange between Senator Josh Hawley (R-MO) and Berkeley Law professor Khiara Bridges on the ramifications of the Supreme Court\u2019s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, Hawley wanted to know whether the Court\u2019s decision affected women as a class. After initially informing Hawley that not all \u201Ccis women\u201D have the \u201Ccapacity for pregnancy\u201D while some \u201Ctrans men\u201D and \u201Cnon-binary\u201D people do, Bridges appeared caught between her loyalties to gender identity ideology and to the long-held idea that abortion is a women\u2019s issue. And so rather than clarify her position, Bridges berated Hawley for his \u201Ctransphobic\u201D line of questioning, insisting that he and those like him are the reason why \u201Cone in five\u201D transgender people attempt suicide.

The affirm-or-suicide mantra has become the central strategy of contemporary transgender activism, and at times it would seem that activists have little else in their rhetorical arsenal. Federal courts have used it to impose new policies on schools under Title IX. When Florida passed the Parental Rights in Education Act\u2014a law that limits classroom discussion of gender identity and sexual orientation to \u201Cage appropriate\u201D circumstances and that requires schools to notify parents when their children are being \u201Csocially transitioned\u201D to the opposite gender\u2014Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg agreed with his husband Chasten that it would \u201Ckill kids.\u201D Florida\u2019s law was in response to, among other things, books like Gender Queer: A Memoir, which contains graphic depictions of oral sex, appearing on school library shelves. The book\u2019s \u201Cnon-binary\u201D author, Maia Kobabe, countered that her book\u2019s presence in libraries was \u201Clife-saving.\u201D

A few weeks later, transgender Assistant Secretary for Health and Human Services Rachel Levine used the same word to justify the federal government\u2019s support for \u201Cgender affirming\u201D interventions. Neither Levine nor President Biden, who has given his own imprimatur to the controversial practice, seemed to care much that Europe\u2019s most progressive welfare states have been moving in the opposite direction, placing strict limitations on the use of puberty blockers to treat adolescents in distress presumably because of their \u201Cgender.\u201D Scandinavians are not indifferent to teen suicide. Rather, they have examined the evidence behind the affirm-or-suicide claim and have found it wanting.

Despite the unwaveringly confident manner in which these claims are often asserted, there is no good evidence that failing to \u201Caffirm\u201D minors in their \u201Cgender identity\u201D will increase the likelihood of them committing suicide. As I discuss below, that claim is based on a small handful of deeply flawed studies that, at most, find loose correlations between \u201Caffirming\u201D interventions and improved mental health. Some find no reduction of suicide at all, and a new study claims to find that puberty blockers actually increase the risk of suicide.

Not only is the empirical basis for the affirm-or-suicide mantra shoddy at best, but its dissemination is also profoundly irresponsible. Such extreme rhetoric limits our ability to better understand and respond to mental health problems in vulnerable youth, and may itself contribute to the real and documented phenomenon of \u201Csuicide contagion.\u201D

Part of the problem is the vagueness of the term \u201Csuicidality.\u201D There is a difference between thinking about suicide, attempting it, and actually doing it. And even within the first two categories, shades of grey prevail. A \u201Csuicidal attempt,\u201D for instance, can mean climbing to a roof of a building without actually stepping onto the ledge, but it can also mean surviving a self-inflicted gunshot wound to the head. Women are far more likely to think about and attempt suicide, but men are more likely to die by suicide. Actual suicide is obviously more serious than suicidal attempts, and attempts more than ideation. Human beings may go through periods of depression in which they contemplate suicide, even seriously, but this does not mean that they are at permanent risk for suicide. It\u2019s a messy, dark, and multifaceted topic ill-served by the moral panic-mongering of activists.

Gender activists commonly argue that roughly four in ten transgender-identified youth (TIY) attempt suicide when not socially and medically \u201Caffirmed.\u201D Does the research bear this out? The simple answer is: no.

Firstly, surveys of TIY suicidality rely on self-report and do very little to vet respondents when they say they \u201Cattempted\u201D suicide. Secondly, studies purporting to show that TIY are at elevated risk of suicide tend to compare suicide rates in TIY with rates in non-TIY\u2014a deeply misleading comparison. This is because TIY, especially among the new clinical cohort of \u201Crapid onset gender dysphoria\u201D (ROGD) teenagers, exhibit extraordinarily high rates of mental health problems (psychological co-morbidities) quite apart from their gender-related distress.

To the extent proponents of the \u201Cgender affirming\u201D approach recognize these co-morbidities, they regard them as the product of social hostility and lack of acceptance (though, oddly, they also claim that rapidly rising rates of transgender identification are the result of a society increasingly accepting of transgender identity). Yet no evidence supports this hypothesis and mounting evidence vitiates it. ROGD teens are known to have very high rates of anxiety, depression, history of sexual trauma, anorexia, and eating disorders, all of which typically precede their gender-related distress. And as we\u2019ve learned from detransitioners, many continue to experience these problems long after they have gone under the knife. According to a review of the U.K.\u2019s Gender Identity Development Service, roughly one out of three girls seeking gender transition has autism\u2014a significant finding, considering that \u201Cbeing in the wrong body\u201D might provide these teenagers with a convenient explanation for their social isolation. Regardless, each of these mental health conditions is a known predictor of suicidal behavior.

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